The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

25 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey

 


Begin forwarded message:

From: "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date: May 25, 2015 at 6:14:01 PM EDT
To: <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Subject: *DHR* Rwanda:asylum seekers who left Israel describe a hopeless journey
Reply-To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr

Ilan Lior haaretz.com, May 24, 2015


Prof. Galia Sabar traveled to Rwanda and Uganda to hear about the Sudanese and Eritreans' wretched living conditions — partly courtesy of Israel. 


The villa in a well-off neighborhood in the Rwandan capital Kigali looks perfectly normal. In recent months, new residents have arrived regularly, but they remain for only a few days. The villa, discovered by Prof. Galia Sabar, is a way station for Eritrean asylum seekers who have agreed to leave Israel for Rwanda.

Sabar, the head of African Studies at Tel Aviv University's Middle Eastern and African History Department, traveled to Uganda and Rwanda two months ago to learn the fate of these asylum seekers. In Rwanda, the main country where Israel has sent them, Sabar didn't meet with a single asylum seeker.

That's because they didn't remain in Rwanda. They typically spent only a few days there before making their strange trip to neighboring Uganda.

"They land in Kigali and a representative whose name you constantly hear, John, arrives. He knows who's arriving and how many people, and he helps them go through immigration," says Sabar, who collected the testimony of 17 people.

In Kigali, the authorities take the laissez passer document that Israel gave them and they're put in a minivan, she says. They're told they're being taken to a hotel. The hotel is that villa in Kigali. At least they have the $3,500 they were given by Israel as a "leaving grant."

They're required to pay $10 to $150 for two nights. Once they enter the building, they can't leave without permission from John. The gate is closed and protected by a guard.

"They were told that it was forbidden to wander around Kigali, and Rwanda in general, without documents; they'd be arrested and put in jail," Sabar says.

In Uganda, she asked asylum seekers how they got out of Rwanda. After a day or two John would come and say "we're waiting for at least eight people." They then had to pay between $250 and $400 to be smuggled over the border to Uganda.

"That means the smuggling is a regular act by that man, who told me he received all his information from the Israel Police," Sabar says. "He knows exactly who's coming and how many. He has an entire network that helps get them out."

They are each allowed to take a small bag. "They reach a certain point in a Rwandan vehicle — of course at night. From there they go on foot, and I have entire descriptions: They've told me how they bend down and run" until they cross the border.

"Smugglers are waiting for them on the Ugandan side. They walk again for a bit and another vehicle picks them up on the other side. Everything is totally organized."

This testimony completely contradicts Israeli claims that the third-party countries the Eritreans and Sudanese are sent to are safe, don't deport asylum seekers, and let them file asylum requests and work for a living. Two months ago, based on these commitments, Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein approved the request of then-Interior Minister Gilad Erdan to send Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers to Rwanda and Uganda — even against their will.


Based on this policy, dozens of asylum seekers at the Holot detention center in the south were told they had to leave Israel within a month. If they refused, they would be jailed at the Saharonim Prison, also in the south, for an indeterminate period.

As far as is known, everyone who has received a deportation order is still being held at Holot — even though the final date for their departure has passed. Earlier this month the Be'er Sheva District Court rejected a petition by human rights groups against the deportation and detention of asylum seekers, saying the petition was premature because the state had not yet jailed asylum seekers who have received deportation notices.

Always the same story

Through last month, more than 1,500 Eritrean and Sudanese had left Israel for third countries as part of the program, says the Population and Immigration Authority. The government has not revealed which countries are involved, but they are widely believed to be Rwanda and Uganda.

Ugandan officials have denied the existence of any agreement with Israel to receive asylum seekers. But Rwandan President Paul Kagame has said Rwanda is in the final phases of crafting such an agreement.

Government sources have told Haaretz that such agreements are indeed in force, but Rwanda and Uganda don't want them made public, and Israel has agreed.

Over a year ago, Haaretz found that asylum seekers were sent to Rwanda and Uganda without any formal status or basic rights. A report released two months ago by two nonprofit groups — Hotline for Refugees and Migrants and the Assaf aid organization for refugees and asylum seekers — found serious faults with the process of "leaving of their own free will."

The report, entitled "Where there is No Free Will: Israel's 'Voluntary Return' Procedure for Asylum Seekers," was based on telephone interviews with dozens of asylum seekers who have left Israel. These people said Rwanda and Uganda did not provide protection, legal status or guarantees for the deportees' safety.

The testimonies Sabar collected support the findings of both Haaretz and the NGOs. She conducted all her interviews in the Ugandan capital Kampala; the interviews lasted up to three hours. She met with some interviewees more than once.

It was always the same story: Rwanda, John, the villa in Kigali, the smuggling route, and the claim they would be able to find asylum and work legally at a reasonable wage in Uganda. She heard the same story from people with no link to one another.

The Rwandans and Ugandans know that every Eritrean asylum seeker has $3,500 in his pocket, Sabar says. "All the people I interviewed said that at one stage or another a Ugandan official demanded payment from them. Sometimes is was $150 or $200," she says.

"Three told me about another young man; he got $1,000 taken from him. And if they don't pay then of course the Ugandan police say they'll arrest them and put them in prison," she says.

It sounded amazing to her; the same guy who picked them up at the airport was responsible for the network. So she decided to try to meet John.

"I got his phone number from six or seven asylum seekers," she says. "He gave them his phone number so they could call him if they had problems while they were still in the villa."

Her telephone conversation with John was conducted in English, lasted 20 minutes and included long silences. John was very nervous.

"Who sent you?" he asked. "No one, I'm from the university," answered Sabar.

John refused to meet her. "I don't want to talk .... I help them .... I can't talk because it's a complex system. I don't want problems," he said.

Sabar tried to understand exactly what his job was and who he worked for. "I don't know the entire process. I received a phone call from a policeman in Israel," he said, probably referring to an official from the Immigration Authority. "He asked me to help them. I only help. I don't want to talk about it."

Neighborhoods of mud

Sabar tried to get more information out of him to confirm the stories she heard. "You meet them at the airport?" she asked. "Yes, yes. I come and welcome them. I take the papers they bring and pass them on."

So Sabar asked to whom he gave the Israeli-issued documents. "I don't want to talk, I don't want to get into trouble .... Look, I'm scared all the time," he said. "That's what I do. I try to help, to be polite and help. Sometimes they're so frustrated they blame me."

Later he told Sabar the Rwandan authorities were sending him to greet the asylum seekers. The precise information on the arrivals he gets from Israel.

Sabar notes the asylum seekers' living conditions in Kampala. "I was in their homes. I know how much it costs to rent a room for a month, what the cost of living is, transportation — they have no chance to survive," she says, adding that the migrants were living in Kampala's "most miserable poor neighborhoods."

"A communal room without water, sewage, without anything, and these are neighborhoods made out of mud — it's $65 a month. A room one rung higher that's reasonable and clean is $300," she says.

"It's sort of a long train of rooms, and at the end there are [squatting] toilets and a shower and water that's communal for all the asylum seekers. I didn't see anyone with his own room. Men were living there in pairs."

Very few asylum seekers chose the two higher levels of housing. "Two were real entrepreneurs and took a sort of house in Kampala, which cost something like $600 [a month], but there are eight rooms there, so they've sublet to others who came after them," Sabar says.

"So they've opened a kind of hostel. The next level was the Asmara motel, a kind of hotel; there they pay per day. If you're there for a month, it reaches something like $350 to $400 per bed."

A very modest standard of living costs $450 a month, assuming the asylum seeker cooks his own very basic food, Sabar says. So the money from Israel can last up to six months.

"I stood in Kampala facing a man in his late 50s, an Eritrean who was in Israel for four years. He spoke amazing Hebrew. He lived most of those years in Eilat and worked for the Isrotel hotel chain," she says.

When she kept on asking question he said "wait a minute" and ran to his room. "He brought me an outstanding-employee certificate from 2011 and a most-liked-employee certificate from 2012, and an employee-of-the month certificate," Sabar says.

As she quotes the asylum seeker: 'Everyone knew I was a good person, honest and liked, and in one day everything was destroyed. I received a summons to Holot and they threw me away like a rag."

There was also a 21-year-old with incredible Hebrew who lived in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Two years ago he took a massage course.

Sabar quotes him: "I came [to Kampala] and said I'll survive, I'm young, I'm healthy, I have a profession, I have a certificate and everything. At every hotel I went to in Kampala I said I wanted to work in their spa or guesthouse. I showed them the certificate; they were very impressed it was from Israel. I took a test and passed. Then they said: Bring us your refugee documents" — which he didn't have.

Sabar asked him why he didn't file an asylum request. He said that at the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Kampala, he was asked where he came from — and he couldn't tell the truth. He was afraid that if they knew he came from Israel, they'd send him to Eritrea.

"You see the various stations in this horrible journey for survival," says Sabar. "And when you think about the road ahead of them — they talked all the time about Libya and crossing from Libya to the sea. What can these people expect?"

Sabar notes how she had already studied asylum seekers in Israel for six or seven years. "But the people I met in Uganda had this burned-out look; the only others I've seen with this look were in refugee camps. This is a feeling of no future and no hope."

Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey - Features


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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Jobs

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.