The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Aug 2014

Second Genocide in Rwanda? Slow, Silent, and Systematic? | Global Research


Second Genocide in Rwanda? Slow, Silent, and Systematic?

What is happening in Rwanda? And, is the UN turning away?

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What is happening in Rwanda? On Aug. 26, the BBC reported that Burundian officials are investigating to determine why Rwandan bodies have been found floating in Lake Rweru, on Burundi's border with Rwanda.

The discovery is not only gruesome but also ominous because both East African nations suffer from extremely volatile Hutu-Tutsi ethnic rivalries rooted in centuries of Hutu oppression by a feudal Tutsi aristocracy, which became a colonial elite in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Attempts to institute European democracy, between 1959 and 1961 in Rwanda, and in 1993 in Burundi, turned the existing social order upside down, giving electoral advantage to the Hutu majorities, which the Tutsi minorities refused to accept. War, genocide and massacres ensued and both nations, neither of which is yet 100 years old, are commonly described as tinderboxes awaiting a match.

Rwanda's President Paul Kagame is a Tutsi, Burundi's President Pierre Nkurunziza a Hutu. Despite past alliances of convenience, they are now antagonists. In 1993, Burundi's Tutsi military elite assassinated that country's first democratically elected president, Hutu Melchior Ndadaye, triggering genocidal massacres of both ethnicities in Burundi and escalating fears of the same – which did indeed follow – in Rwanda.

In 1994, near the end of a four year war of aggression, Kagame ordered the assassination of both Rwanda and Burundi's Hutu presidents by shooting their plane out of the sky on April 6, 1994, and then launched a carefully planned, U.S. backed military offensive to seize power and restore Tutsi rule in Rwanda, even as the country sank into chaos and genocidal massacres of both ethnicities.

Any conclusion that the bodies floating in the lake are victims of state execution, genocidal execution or both could be incendiary within the two countries and/or between them. That incendiary potential has been manipulated by both foreign and domestic elites, who are no doubt following this story closely, and most likely attempting to control its outcomes.

These bound and bagged bodies certainly have the look of state execution, genocidal or not, and the simple conclusion that they were state executions has incendiary potential in itself. Rwandan President Paul Kagame arrested three of his own top military officers last week, asresistance continued to rise within his own Tutsi elite.

Rwandan or Burundian bodies?

Burundian official Jean Berchmans Mpabansi told the BBC that, ''The victims are not Burundian citizens because the bodies are coming from Akagera River flowing from Rwanda."

The Voice of Burundi reported, translated here from the French: "In recent days corpses wrapped in plastic bags are found floating on Lake Rweru on the border between Burundi and Rwanda in Muyinga Province.

"More than 40 bodies floating in the Rweru Lake town of Giteranyi have been seen and counted since the month of July by the fishermen, as confirmed by the local administration and police. This week, these fishermen, accompanied by a unit of the Navy, saw two bodies on the mouth of the Akagera."

Rwandan Police said that no one has been reported missing in Rwanda, and Burundian Police said the same about Burundi. Both claims are unlikely because the national police of any country of 10 or 11 million people is sure to have a list of missing persons at any given time.

It's particularly unlikely in the case of Rwanda, because onMay 16, Human Rights Watch reported that "an increasing number of Rwandans have been forcibly disappeared or reported missing" and that some were known to have been forcibly disappeared by Rwanda's army, the Rwandan Defense Force. HRW detailed 14 cases of missing persons.

In mid-July HRW spoke to the anniversary of the murder of Gustave Makonene, coordinator of Transparency International Rwanda's Advocacy and Legal Advice Center in Rubavu, Rwanda:

"The details of Gustave Makonene's death are gruesome. His body was found outside the lakeside town of Rubavu, in northwestern Rwanda, on July 18, 2013. The police medical report indicated he was strangled. Local residents who saw his body gave Human Rights Watch more graphic detail. They believed his body may have been thrown from a car on a road above the lake and ended up twisted around a large tree, which had blocked its fall into the water."

There have been neither investigations nor charges. Another HRW essayist asked, "Why is the whole world still silent on the murder of Rwandan activist Makonene?" On August 1 Transparency International issued a press release saying that the staff of all five of their Rwandan offices are in danger.

President Paul Kagame's plausibility problem

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has never been noted for plausible or consistent explanation. After 18 years of Rwandan invasion, occupation, assassination and resource plunder in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, all copiously documented, he continues to tell Western television audiences that he cannot be held responsible for the problems of Congo, that Congo's problems began with colonialism long before his birth.

And, of course, he continues to say that his destiny is to save and forever protect the Rwandan people from genocide, because, as he tells the story over and over, the world abandoned Rwanda in 1994. It's a matter of record that Kagame himself threatened to fire on U.N. troops if they attempted to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, but that's never been of concern to corporate broadcast anchors. Neither has Kagame's U.S-backed invasion of Rwanda, commanding a detachment of the Ugandan army in October 1990. Nor has the four year war that those Ugandan troops waged in Rwanda between October 1990 and July 1994. Nor has the active intervention of the Clinton Administration to prevent the UN from intervening in Rwanda in 1994.

The story of four years of war and mass killing in Rwanda has instead been shortened and simplified into a 100-day morality play about genocide ending with "Never again!"  And, Kagame has been allowed to trump all evidence and reason by playing the genocide card for so long that he feels in no way compelled to offer a plausible or consistent explanation of anything.

Nearly 50,000 people reported missing in Rwanda this year

Although Rwandan officials denied, on August 26th, that anyone is missing, the government has, on other days, acknowledged that nearly 50,000 people have disappeared this year. The government says they're missing, but dissident Rwandan refugees and exiles say they're dead – and that they are Hutu victims of Kagame's slow, silent, systematic Hutu genocide – genocide by exclusion, poverty, starvation, sterilization and execution.

Rwandans whom the government acknowledges are missing include 16,000 Hutu villagers from the country's northwestern Ngororero District. Rwandan Interior Minister James Musoni acknowledged, in the country's Kinyarwanda language, that these villagers are missingbut said that the government has no idea where they've gone and fears they may have crossed Rwanda's border with DR Congo to join the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

Rwandan refugee Ambrose Nzeyimana translated the English into Kinyarwanda and posted "Kigali acknowledges the disappearance of 16,000 of its citizens" to his British-based blog, The Rising Continent. Rwandans in exile write that these people have been massacred by the Kagame regime as part of its program to slowly, quietly, and systematically eliminate the Hutu population. Their belief is based on their own experience, their contact with extended family in Rwanda, and their attention to the Kinyarwanda press.

Rwandan prison authorities acknowledge that 30,000 Hutu prisoners sentenced to "community service" (hard labor) have also disappeared, Rwandan exiles, again, write that they've been executed by Kagame's genocidal government.

It's difficult to imagine how a government with one of the best trained, best equipped African military and security forces, including local forces everywhere, in one of the most tightly controlled, dictatorial regimes in the world, could lose track of 30,000 state prisoners. However, the government, again, and the Ibuka Tutsi survivors' group, claim to fear that these people may have escaped across the border to join the FDLR in DR Congo, where they now constitute a threat to genocide survivors.

As with so much in Rwanda, including the history of the 1990-1994 war and genocide, there is a Tutsi version of the truth and a Hutu version, but the Tutsi version is legally enforced and championed worldwide by rich and powerful people, including Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Rev. Rick Warren and Howard Buffett. Despite wholesale de facto discimination against Hutu people, they join Kagame in proclaiming that truth and reconciliation have been achieved in Rwanda, and ethnicity is no longer important.

Prisoners incinerated?

More Rwandan Hutu prisoners may have perished in a fire on June 5, 2014, in Rwanda's largest prison, Muhanga Central Prison in Gitarama, and then in a second prison fire at Nyakiriba Prison in Rubavu (Gisenyi) on July 7.

Rwandan exiles write that prisoners in both Muhanga Central Prison and Nyakiriba Prison were intentionally incinerated in their cells, once again as part of a slow, silent, systematic Hutu genocide.

Is it likely that two, geographically distant Rwandan prisons would be destroyed or badly damaged by fire in barely more than one month? All we know is what Rwandan authorities say, and all they say is that there were two prison fires but no prisoners died.

Muhanga Prison, formerly known as Gitarama Central Prison, was known to be one of the most hellish prisons on earth. In 1995, a London Independent headline about it read, "Hutus held in 'worst prison in world': 7,000 suspects of Rwanda massacre are kept in jail built for 400."

On June 6, the International Red Cross reported that "the accommodations" of 3,500 prisoners went up in flames in Gitarama but that the Rwandan government said no prisoners were in their cells at the time.

Hard evidence?

There will be no hard evidence of the truth behind any of these missing persons reports, except perhaps those few filed by Human Rights Watch, unless the U.N. Security Council deems the situation in Rwanda so dangerous to international security and stability that an independent U.N. investigative team must be allowed in, as when U.N. investigator Hans Blix's team was allowed into Iraq before the 2003 U.S./U.K. invasion.

Of course, the U.S. and U.K. ignored Blix's conclusion that there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, as the U.S. and allied states will ignore any evidence counter to the security interests now defined by their executive corporate, military and foreign policy elites, not by popular democracy.

However, that's no reason not to call for investigation. It's better that Hans Blix's team was allowed into Iraq than not, for the sake of history and global consciousness, and we can continue to work for just outcomes. Independent U.N. investigations should be undertaken, post haste, into each instance of individual and mass disappearances in Rwanda, and into why bound, bagged bodies were found floating in Lake Rweru between the shores of Rwanda and Burundi.

Why has the U.S. renewed support for Kagame's Rwanda?

Why did the U.S. renew its political and military support of Rwandan President Paul Kagame's dictatorship at the U.S.-Africa Summit? Why is the U.S. threatening the Hutu refugees organized as the FDLR with military action if they refuse to disarm and surrender unconditionally?

The FDLR may be armed in self-defense, but Special Envoy to the Great Lakes Region Russ Feingold has acknowledged that they pose no credible threat to Rwanda. The majority of Rwandan Hutu refugees in eastern Congo are simply that – refugees – who dare not return to Rwanda for fear of having their names added to these long lists of missing persons that the Rwandan government says it's unable to explain.

Rwandan opposition leaders, Hutu and Tutsi alike, and Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete have all called upon the Rwandan government to negotiate with the FDLR for safe repatriation to a Rwanda in which they will not be a de facto Hutu underclass threatened with elimination. ,

On January 4th, former Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa told KPFA: "I understand the guiltiness that maybe some could be feeling about their failure to stop the genocide. But you don't support somebody who's in the process of creating another genocide. And I think they should be able to examine their consciences, look at what is happening in Rwanda, and see exactly what is taking place."

Many Rwandan Hutus, refugees and exiles believe that if the regime now headed by Paul Kagame remains in power for another 50 years, there will be no Hutu people left in Rwanda.

Oakland writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay ViewCounterpunchGlobal ResearchColored OpinionsBlack Agenda Report, and Black Star News, and produces radio news and features for Pacifica'sWBAI-NYCKPFA-Berkeley and her own YouTube Channel. She can be reached atanniegarrison@gmail.com. If you want to see Ann Garrison's independent reporting continue, please contribute on her website, anngarrison.com.

[AfricaRealities] Fw: *DHR* The Independent - UK - 1 hour ago: Assassins linked to Kagame regime.

 


From: "Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" 
Subject: *DHR* The Independent - UK - 1 hour ago: Assassins linked to Kagame regime.

 
Assassins linked to Kagame regime.

The Independent - UK - 1 hour ago.
By Ian Birrell
Friday 29 August 2014

Rwandan president is implicated in funding hit squad of four men
convicted of trying to kill his exiled army chief in South Africa.
Yet Western countries, including Britain, continue to pander to the
murderous despot


Six men charged with attempting to kill Rwanda's former army chief
Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa sit in court in Johannesburg. Four of them
were convicted of attempted assassination yesterday

Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa had only been in South Africa for a few
months when, returning home from a shopping trip with his wife and
children, a gunman tried to kill him.

The Rwandan general, exiled after falling out with President Paul
Kagame, survived after being rushed to intensive care. Yesterday he
saw four men convicted of trying to assassinate him.

"The magistrate has correctly observed that the conspiracy to kill me
was politically motivated," said Mr Nyamwasa, after the verdict in
Kagiso, near Johannesburg.

The resolution of this 2010 case is a landmark moment. It is the first
time a Rwandan hit squad has been caught and convicted after leaving a
trail of blood and terror around the world.

Army chief of staff Mr Nyamwasa fled to South Africa after joining in
opposition with three other former close allies of Kagame. Another was
Patrick Karegeya, an ex-spy chief found strangled in a Johannesburg
hotel this year.

Stanley Mkhair, the magistrate, said it was clear the four convicted
men – one Rwandan and three Tanzanians – met several times to plan the
Nyamwasa assassination attempt and were paid 80,000 Rand (£4,540) in
cash by "people in Rwanda". A 33-year-old Rwandan businessman named
Pascal Kanyandekwe was cleared of offering big bribes to South African
police after they arrested him. Items found in his possession proved
his links to the plot but there was insufficient evidence to convict
him, said Mr Mkhair.

The general's driver was also cleared after prosecutors failed to
prove beyond doubt he was involved.

Significantly, Mr Mkhair concluded the plot to kill Mr Nyamwasa came
"from a certain group of people from Rwanda". Clearly he was pointing
at the regime of Kagame, who holds his nation in a vice-like grip.

Yet still this repressive ruler remains the darling of many Western
admirers, despite never hiding his lethal contempt for critics.

Days after Karegeya's killing, the Rwandan Defence Minister –
referring to the strangling – said: "When you choose to be a dog, you
die like a dog, and the cleaners will wipe away the trash so that it
does not stink for them."

The following day President Kagame himself came close to condoning the
murder. "Whoever betrays the country will pay the price, I assure
you," he told a rally. "Whoever it is, it is a matter of time."

The tragedy of Rwanda is how this deluded despot sees himself as the
embodiment of his nation – and how he is egged on by fawning Western
advisers such as Tony Blair and aid donors who prop up his murderous
regime by providing 40 per cent of its budget.

"This is a significant case because the victim was such a high-profile
opponent," said Carina Tertsakian, senior researcher on Rwanda at
Human Rights Watch. "It fits a well-documented pattern against
opponents and critics that has gone on as long as this government has
been in power."

Of course Rwanda denied involvement in the attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's
life, just as it always does when dissidents die in mysterious
circumstances. "The Rwandan government does not go around shooting
innocent citizens," said Louise Mushikiwabo, the Foreign Minister.

But such claims look absurd when a steady succession of critics,
judges and journalists have been threatened, harassed and murdered
after crossing Kagame. Victims have been beaten, beheaded, shot,
stabbed and strangled both at home and abroad.

Even Paul Rusesabagina, whose brave stance during the 1994 genocide
saved so many lives and led to the film Hotel Rwanda, was intimidated
after speaking out against Kagame's misrule.

Human Rights Watch has documented arbitrary arrests, detentions,
killings, torture and enforced disappearances since Kagame took power.
Many cases are similar in style.

In 1998 a former Minister of Interior who criticised human rights
abuses was shot dead in Kenya, having survived a previous murder
attempt. A high court judge in Nairobi found the killing was political
– but Rwanda frustrated investigations by refusing to waive diplomatic
immunity for a suspect working at its embassy.

Latest victims include Kagame's former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi, who
survived both assassination and abduction attempts before being
snatched from Uganda and put on trial for "terrorism" in Kigali.
Prosecutors are demanding a life sentence.


South Africa has refused a French request to extradite Mr Nyamwasa to
answer questions over Kagame's alleged order to shoot down a plane
carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, which sparked the 1994
genocide.

After another attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's life in March, South African
Justice Minister Jeff Radebe warned Rwanda that his nation "will not
be used as a springboard to do illegal activities". This led to a
spate of tit-for-tat expulsions of diplomats.

Even the US, for so long turning a blind eye to Kagame's atrocities
and his pillaging of the Democratic Republic of Congo, has hit out at
"politically motivated murders of prominent Rwandan exiles".

Yet Britain welcomed this war criminal into the Commonwealth and
continues to pump huge sums of aid into his country – nearly £400m
over the course of the coalition – while hypocritically talking of
promoting democracy and human rights.

Even a warning from Scotland Yard in 2011 that a Rwandan hit squad had
been sent to murder two exiles living in Britain failed to stop the
torrent of aid into this regime's pocket.

"This is a very important verdict," said Rene Mugenzi, a Liberal
Democrat activist who was one of the targets. "Anyone opposed to
Kagame and doing anything to raise awareness about what is happening
in Rwanda has a death sentence put on them."

The Independent
2 Derry Street London W8 5TT
© independent.co.uk

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/assassins-linked-to-kagame-regime-9700529.html

--
SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
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Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice

Op-Ed: Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice



Kagame s former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi with his family
What happens when moral law is absent and the arbitrary exercise of power becomes the only means of delivering justice? Tyranny ensues.
On Friday, Rwanda's military court is expected to announce a harsh sentence against Joel Mutabazi, President Paul Kagame's former bodyguard who escaped Rwanda three years ago after being tortured for his alleged ties to opposition.

For quite some time, Kagame had his eye on Mutabazi and other ethnic Tutsis that have fled a vortex of oppression and suspicion for the illusion of safety in Uganda. Some of those refugees have ended up dead -- their throats slit or shot in the streets of Kampala. Others have been beaten and bundled into vehicles by Rwandan operatives, only to be brought back unceremoniously, one by one, to face justice for crimes that could never be proven by independent courts. Mutabazi, a human vault who was privy to two decades of Kagame's war making in Africa's Great Lakes region, was high on the list of Rwanda's most wanted. Beforehand, he had narrowly escaped assassination and abduction in Uganda, a country that is nothing if not mercurial. A master at playing the international community and Kigali against one another, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has simultaneously offered political asylum to Rwandans in flight and given Rwandan agents a free hand to hunt those refugees down.

Mutabazi – demoralized and strung up on terrorism charges after several months in detention -- now awaits a verdict on his future. His case is nonetheless shocking even by Rwandan standards.

To wit:

• Mutabazi was not extradited through any legal bilateral cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda. He was kidnapped. The United Nations considered him a bonafide refugee in Uganda that had fled torture and persecution in his homeland. Interpol authorities confirmed that no notice from their office had ever been issued. Rwanda issued its own arrest warrant against him but Uganda's state attorney had not yet approved it when Mutabazi was abducted in October 2013. Rwanda therefore broke international law and violated the Refugee Convention by seizing Mutabazi in the first place.

• The UN refugee agency considered Mutabazi a refugee at serious, imminent risk, hence his placement in a protected safe house. In 2012, attackers stormed Mutabazi's residence in Uganda and shot at him but missed. In August 2013, armed men broke into the safe house, gagged and blindfolded him and were heading to Kigali with him in their vehicle but later released him after a Ugandan police chief intervened. The apparent state-sponsored murder and abduction attempts of Mutabazi by the Rwandan government are in direct violation of international law, as defined by a host of treaties, protocols and tribunals.

• At a pre-trial court appearance in Kigali, Mutabazi alleged he had been tortured, intimidated and there was a conspiracy to kill him in jail. At one point -- apparently under duress -- he switched his plea to guilty and admitted he had fomented a rebellion. He then turned around and denied all charges, setting himself up for more torture and possibly death. His wife Gloria and a right activist meanwhile stated they had received word Mutabazi had been beaten and sexually tortured in order to make him falsely confess.

• Rwanda's military court has engaged in further undue influence by rounding up and prosecuting members of Mutabazi's family – including his teenage brother, his sister-in-law and uncle -- using them to testify against him. At the same time, another brother still in Uganda has been hounded by Rwandan agents.

• Mutabazi has been tried without a lawyer. A Rwandan attorney initially assigned to represent him, Antoinette Mukamusoni, withdrew from the case, unable to perform her duties. She was allegedly fearful for her safety.

• The principle charges against Mutabazi are dubious at best. He is accused of having actively organized and coordinated terror activities, including a spate of grenade attacks in Rwanda – supposedly from the confines of a UN safe house in Uganda. He is also accused of being linked to the dissident opposition party the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), whose members are in turn suspected by Rwanda of conspiring with the Hutu militia group, the FDLR, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. However a UN report in 2011 found no conclusive evidence that Kagame's South Africa-based political opponents from the RNC, Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, had provided financial or material support to the FDLR. Karegeya was strangled to death by suspected Rwandan operatives in Johannesburg on New Year's Eve.

The very essence of a despotic government is when the power to make laws is the hands of a king, when a sovereign authority imposes rules by might. Kagame, recalling the absolutism of the Caesars, is laying down the law of the land as he pleases. In fact, what he is doing is breaking the law to enforce his own version of it. Plato, John Locke and Thomas Jefferson might be rolling over in their graves.

Of course, if it were just a case of pinning Mutabazi to the wall, all this would be less troubling. But in Rwanda, each day Kagame widens the crackdown, causing new alarm. In June, the United States said it was worried about the growing number of arrests and disappearances in Kigali, Rubavu and Musanze districts. The UK, for its part, said it was concerned at what appeared to be mounting acts of violence against opposition critics. Earlier this month, Rwandan prison authorities said 30,000 Rwandans sentenced to community services for their role during the genocide had disappeared. Meanwhile, the government of Burundi launched an investigation this week after a number of bodies were found floating in plastic bags in Lake Rweru, along its border with Rwanda. Pictures of a few corpses posted on Twitter show victims with arms tied behind their backs so tightly they might have stopped breathing or their ribs could have broken. Kagame's former soldiers have testified this was a signature technique used against enemies of his Rwandan Patriotic Army.

In the capital, Colonel Tom Byabagamba, Kagame's former presidential guard chief was arrested last week for suspected crimes against state security. Also swept up were Brigadier General Frank Rusagara, former defense attaché to London, and retired captain David Kabuye.

The arrests suggest that Kagame is zeroing in on his inner circle, but it remains unclear whether these moves are signs of a regime now imploding. What is certain is that the walls are closing in and no one is above suspicion.

Assassins linked to Kagame regime - The Independent


Assassins linked to Kagame regime

A
 
A
 
A

Rwandan president is implicated in funding hit squad of four men convicted of trying to kill his exiled army chief in  South Africa. Yet Western countries, including Britain, continue to pander to the murderous despot

img
Six men charged with attempting to kill Rwanda's former army chief Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa sit in court in Johannesburg. Four of them were convicted of attempted assassination yesterday
126

Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa had only been in South Africa for a few months when, returning home from a shopping trip with his wife and children, a gunman tried to kill him.

The Rwandan general, exiled after falling out with President Paul Kagame, survived after being rushed to intensive care. Yesterday he saw four men convicted of trying to assassinate him.

"The magistrate has correctly observed that the conspiracy to kill me was politically motivated," said Mr Nyamwasa, after the verdict in Kagiso, near Johannesburg.

The resolution of this 2010 case is a landmark moment. It is the first time a Rwandan hit squad has been caught and convicted after leaving a trail of blood and terror around the world.

Army chief of staff Mr Nyamwasa fled to South Africa after joining in opposition with three other former close allies of Kagame. Another was Patrick Karegeya, an ex-spy chief found strangled in a Johannesburg hotel this year.

Stanley Mkhair, the magistrate, said it was clear the four convicted men – one Rwandan and three Tanzanians – met several times to plan the Nyamwasa assassination attempt and were paid 80,000 Rand (£4,540) in cash by "people in Rwanda". A 33-year-old Rwandan businessman named Pascal Kanyandekwe was cleared of offering big bribes to South African police after they arrested him. Items found in his possession proved his links to the plot but there was insufficient evidence to convict him, said Mr Mkhair.

General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa nearly died in the assassination attemptGeneral Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa nearly died in the assassination attempt (Getty Images)

The general's driver was also cleared after prosecutors failed to prove beyond doubt he was involved.

Significantly, Mr Mkhair concluded the plot to kill Mr Nyamwasa came "from a certain group of people from Rwanda". Clearly he was pointing at the regime of Kagame, who holds his nation in a vice-like grip.

Yet still this repressive ruler remains the darling of many Western admirers, despite never hiding his lethal contempt for critics.

Days after Karegeya's killing, the Rwandan Defence Minister – referring to the strangling – said: "When you choose to be a dog, you die like a dog, and the cleaners will wipe away the trash so that it does not stink for them."

The following day President Kagame himself came close to condoning the murder. "Whoever betrays the country will pay the price, I assure you," he told a rally. "Whoever it is, it is a matter of time."

The tragedy of Rwanda is how this deluded despot sees himself as the embodiment of his nation – and how he is egged on by fawning Western advisers such as Tony Blair and aid donors who prop up his murderous regime by providing 40 per cent of its budget.

"This is a significant case because the victim was such a high-profile opponent," said Carina Tertsakian, senior researcher on Rwanda at Human Rights Watch. "It fits a well-documented pattern against opponents and critics that has gone on as long as this government has been in power."

Of course Rwanda denied involvement in the attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's life, just as it always does when dissidents die in mysterious circumstances. "The Rwandan government does not go around shooting innocent citizens," said Louise Mushikiwabo, the Foreign Minister.

General Kayumba Nyamwasa attends the trial of six men accused of his attempted assassinationGeneral Kayumba Nyamwasa attends the trial of six men accused of his attempted assassination (Getty Images)

But such claims look absurd when a steady succession of critics, judges and journalists have been threatened, harassed and murdered after crossing Kagame. Victims have been beaten, beheaded, shot, stabbed and strangled both at home and abroad.

Even Paul Rusesabagina, whose brave stance during the 1994 genocide saved so many lives and led to the film Hotel Rwanda, was intimidated after speaking out against Kagame's misrule.

Human Rights Watch has documented arbitrary arrests, detentions, killings, torture and enforced disappearances since Kagame took power. Many cases are similar in style.

In 1998 a former Minister of Interior who criticised human rights abuses was shot dead in Kenya, having survived a previous murder attempt. A high court judge in Nairobi found the killing was political – but Rwanda frustrated investigations by refusing to waive diplomatic immunity for a suspect working at its embassy.

Latest victims include Kagame's former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi, who survived both assassination and abduction attempts before being snatched from Uganda and put on trial for "terrorism" in Kigali. Prosecutors are demanding a life sentence.

President Paul Kagame of RwandaPresident Paul Kagame of Rwanda (Getty Images)

South Africa has refused a French request to extradite Mr Nyamwasa to answer questions over Kagame's alleged order to shoot down a plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, which sparked the 1994 genocide.

After another attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's life in March, South African Justice Minister Jeff Radebe warned Rwanda that his nation "will not be used as a springboard to do illegal activities". This led to a spate of tit-for-tat expulsions of diplomats.

Even the US, for so long turning a blind eye to Kagame's atrocities and his pillaging of the Democratic Republic of Congo, has hit out at "politically motivated murders of prominent Rwandan exiles".

Yet Britain welcomed this war criminal into the Commonwealth and continues to pump huge sums of aid into his country – nearly £400m over the course of the coalition – while hypocritically talking of promoting democracy and human rights.

Even a warning from Scotland Yard in 2011 that a Rwandan hit squad had been sent to murder two exiles living in Britain failed to stop the torrent of aid into this regime's pocket.

"This is a very important verdict," said Rene Mugenzi, a Liberal Democrat activist who was one of the targets. "Anyone opposed to Kagame and doing anything to raise awareness about what is happening in Rwanda has a death sentence put on them."

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

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SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

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This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.