The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Oct 2012

Rwanda's Big Sham: The Political Trial And Conviction of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza

Rwanda's Big Sham: The Political Trial And Conviction of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza

By Nkiko Nsengimana

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza; convicted in sham political trial

[Global: Africa] 

Anyone who might still doubt the unfairness and the lack of independence of the Rwandan justice system with regard to the regime of Paul Kagame, open your eyes. 

Throughout the trial of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, we tirelessly showed you how the High Court, by violating basic judicial procedures and evidence of innocence presented by the defense, persisted in its wanderings and declared itself competent to judge the facts all of which were unsubstantiated and were contested by the defense --the facts that apparently occurred before the law repressing them was enacted or the facts that have been committed outside the jurisdiction of the High Court.

Even the illegal acquisition of the evidential documents from the Netherlands, which were supposed to show the collaboration of Ingabire with the armed rebellion of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), turned out to be a windbag. 

The Prosecution failed to provide, beyond any reasonable doubt, the evidence of guilt for Ingabire. By refusing to consider the testimonies and breaches to the judicial procedure that were presented by the defense team, and moreover, by violating the basic legal principles of non-retroactivity of criminal laws and jurisdictions, the High Court failed to interpret the law and therefore denied Ingabire the right to a fair trial.

While the Kigali regime wanted to transform the trial of Madame Victoire Ingabire into banal act of criminal law, on several occasions, it was caught in a flagrant meddling into judicial proceedings.

Indeed, the decision of April 16, 2012 by Ingabire to withdraw from the trial came in at the right moment, when in grave violation of basic judicial procedures, one of the defense witnesses, Michel Habimana, had suffered intimidation and illegal interrogations in prison, in the absence of his lawyer, and without proper authorization from the Court. The next day, when the witness returned to the Court, he reported the incident and informed the court that his cell was searched from top to bottom.

Madame Victoire Ingabire requested the Court the right to speak. In view of the extreme gravity of the above reported incident and considering the facts as obviously prescient of future obstructions to the expected testimonies from other witnesses in her defense, and keeping in mind several irregularities accumulated throughout her trial, Ingabire told the Court that she had completely lost confidence in Rwanda's judiciary and that she was permanently withdrawing from the trial. By doing so, she irrevocably proved that the Rwandan justice system was broken and that it was under the total control of the executive.

The lawsuit against the Chairperson of FDU Inkingi is politically motivated. The allegations against the Chairperson of FDU-Inkingi including, endangering the state security, divisionism, and genocide denial, have been proven to be fixtures aimed at absolutely condemning a political opponent. There is no longer any doubt: the lawsuit initiated by the Kigali regime against Ingabire is a highly political trial.

Ingabire worries the Kigali regime because of her strong commitment to reconciliation and justice for all victims and all perpetrators; the authorities are worried because of her resolute struggle against the dictatorship of General Paul Kagame. By condemning an innocent person to such a lengthy prison term solely on facts that exclusively relate to politics, the Kigali regime intends to suppress any dissenting voice and thereby keep the population in fear and submission under its totalitarian grip. At the same time, the Kigali regime has sent a clear signal to national and international public opinion that it certainly was not ready to open any political space and engage in dialogue with its political opposition.

FDU Inkingi remains strongly committed to peaceful struggle. It is now clear for FDU-Inkingi that the Kigali regime will never willingly open up the political space. After two and a half years of unsuccessful application for the registration of our party, it is now clear that President Paul Kagame will never register FDU-Inkingi. By condemning to prison term Ingabire, who had returned home with the mandate of registering FDU-Inkingi and standing in the presidential elections, the Rwandan regime has caused a major political shift which must be condemned by all national and international stakeholders including civil society and political activists that love peace and are concerned about democratic change in Rwanda.

The Kigali regime has just sentenced Madame Victoire Ingabire to prison term, but it will never reverse what she has already accomplished and the hope she now embodies. The Chairperson of FDU-Inkingi has built the path to emancipation which the Kigali regime can no longer block, neither indefinitely nor with impunity.

Even though the political party FDU-Inkingi notes once again the propensity of the Kigali regime to favor the use of force to settle political disputes, we will not let ourselves be torn apart by the Rwandan regime's secret hope of luring us into violence. Violence will never be our political choice. 

While General Kagame has shown in the past that he could tolerate any human cost to access or hold on power, for FDU-Inkingi, human damages caused by the past tragedy in Rwanda are already considerable enough so that we should all use caution not to add on new ones, because if we did human consequences would be more immeasurable. The political party FDU-Inkingi remains committed to negotiations and will continue to request them, against all odds, to ensure a peaceful transition of our country towards democracy and reconciliation. The party FDU-Inkingi hopes that General Kagame would seize such an opportunity to accept, without any restrictions, direct talks with his political opposition.

The choice is still up to President Paul Kagame. We launch a solemn appeal to all of the Rwandan people not to succumb to warmongering sirens. This would only legitimize the current regime. 
FDU-Inkingi Coordinating Committee

Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana
, Coordinator 



Today, 30/10/2012, the High Court in Kigali, Rwanda, sentenced Madame Victoire Ingabire, the President of FDU-inkingi, to eight years in jail on flimsy grounds of genocide ideology and conspiracy against government through war and terrorism. The Rwanda National Congress (RNC) condemns 
in the strongest terms this miscarriage of justice and impunity that have now become the hallmark of President Paul Kagame's dictatorial rule. The Rwanda National Congress stands with Madame Victoire Ingabire, her family, FDU-Inkingi and all the peace-and -freedom-loving Rwandan people in these difficult moments. In orchestrating the sham trial against a freedom-fighter Ingabire, President Kagame's regime has demonstrated that it has now run short of options, and will continue to operate in fear till it consumes itself out of existence. 

What is to be done?

1. Let us spend little time lamenting. All Rwandans should rise in courage, conquer fear and join the resistance against injustice. Fear is the regime's principal weapon. Once we overcome fear, Kagame's days will be numbered.

2. Hope is necessary but not a strategy to overcome dictatorial rule. Let us not sit and wait that somehow, the regime will crumble on its own. We must resist and fight with every resource we have other than weapons of war. We shall fight together, or else the regime will kill and jail us , one by one, or condemn us to eternal exile.

3. We must fight to win, and to win means ending dictatorship once and for all, and uniting all Rwandan people in freedom so that they can heal, reconcile and prosper at last. Winning calls for maximum mobilization, and smart (internally democratic and well-led) organization. We must penetrate every village, every school, every government department, every church, every RPF cells, every security organization ( formal or informal), every refugee camp, wherever a Rwandan is in jail or in jungles of Congo, in every diaspora community, and in every non-governmental organization with one message: the regime is crumbling, let us join hands to end our suffering by winning sooner than later.

4. Let us be proactive in reaching out for help from our African brothers and sisters, especially those in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo, many of whom have been victims of Kagame's brutal regime. Let us tell them that Kigali's regime is dangerous to Rwandans and to all our neighbors as well, and seek their co-operation to build lasting peace, security, and stability in our region and Africa.

5. Let us be proactive on the diplomatic front, and seek the help of the international community to end President Kagame's brutality and war-mongering against Rwandan and Congolese people. To the international community we must say: it is time to get it right. The guilt of 1994 must end with a right decision to be on the side of the Rwandan people instead of investing in the bloody rule of one man, his family and a small clique drawn from one minority group. 

6. The post-Kagame era has begun, for it must grow in the womb of the rotten regime like a small plant that germinates out of the decaying seed. Nothing that Kagame does now will save his regime. He has reached a point of no return. He would rather have the whole country go on fire rather than have Rwandan save it. Each one of us must search our heart and examine what sacrifice we can give to rebuilding a broken Rwanda. That must begin here, and now, wherever a Rwandan lives or works. We must reach out to each other, and overcome the barriers of ethnicity, region, class, gender, etc. The new Rwanda must begin with each one of us, and spread to our immediate family, community, nation and the world. Our legacy must be that we are the generation that built the foundation of a free, united and prosperous Rwanda.

7. We must invest out time, money, talents and relationships in this peaceful revolution if we are to win, and win sooner than later. Rwandans must invest their resources in the future of their children and their grandchildren. Giving their money to Kagame's Agaciro Development Fund is not only a waste, since it won't stop Rwandans match forward, but dangerous since Kagame uses your money for private use, sustaining his dictatorship, killing and jailing opponents, and making war against neighbors. Let us be smart and spend our money wisely by investing it in the revolution for peace, freedom and shared prosperity.

Martin Luther King Jr once said that the arc of history is long, and that it bends towards justice. It is true for Rwanda as it is for all peoples and all time. It is our duty and patriotic obligation to use every hour, day, week, month, and year to get Victoire Ingabire, other political prisoners, and indeed all Rwandans, out of bondage and exile.

We are on the move and nothing shall stop us. We shall never give up or give in. 

We shall win!

Dr Theogene Rudasingwa
Rwanda National Congress
Washington DC, 20001
30 October, 2012

Rwanda: Ensure appeal after unfair Ingabire trial

Press releases

30 October 2012

Rwanda: Ensure appeal after unfair Ingabire trial

Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire must get a prompt and fair appeal after being convicted in a trial that fell short of international standards, Amnesty International said today.  
Ingabire, President of the United Democratic Forces (FDU-Inkingi), was sentenced to eight years in prison on Tuesday.
"The trial was marred by the court's failure to ensure that evidence was properly tested, combined with the prosecution's disregard for due process in some instances," said Sarah Jackson, Amnesty International's Acting Deputy Africa Director. 
"Victoire Ingabire must be afforded a prompt and fair appeal."
The initial charges in the indictment against Ingabire fell into two broad categories – speech-related charges and terrorism-related charges. The speech-related charges, which were brought against Ingabire on the basis of the expression of her political views, should not have been brought before a court in the first place. 
Ingabire was today convicted of two updated charges and acquitted of four others. Amnesty International is waiting for confirmation of the precise charges and the applicable laws under which she was tried.
Ingabire was arrested in April 2010, shortly after her return to Rwanda following 16 years in exile.  She had hoped to register FDU-Inkingi to stand in the August 2010 presidential elections.
The open trial was well attended by human rights activists, journalists and diplomats.  
Despite international scrutiny, the trial was marred by various violations of due process including: non-disclosure of potentially exculpatory evidence that could have assisted Ingabire's defence, witness intimidation and interference with the right to remain silent after her notes were seized.
The initial terrorism-related charges in the indictment were based, in part, on the testimony of four men tried alongside Ingabire. The men all pleaded guilty and testified against her.
Major Vital Uwumuremyi, Lieutenant Colonel Tharcisse Nditurende, Lieutenant Colonel Noel Habyaremye, and Captain Jean Marie Vianney Karuta confessed to past involvement with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed opposition group in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).  
The prosecution alleged that Ingabire worked with the co-accused men to try to form an armed opposition group, the Coalition of Defence Forces (CDF). The co-accused said that she held meetings with them in the DRC and Republic of Congo. They also alleged that Ingabire transferred money to them by Western Union through third parties.
The court did not properly test oral evidence given by the co-accused and it prevented the defence from properly cross-examining them.  
During limited questions that the court permitted the defence, it materialized that Nditurende and Habyaremye were unlawfully detained by the Rwandan military before incriminating Ingabire. They were interviewed at Camp Kami by intelligence agents without the presence of a lawyer. The court made no effort to obtain notes of these interviews which may have assisted Ingabire's defence.
The judges prevented the defence from asking questions about detention conditions in Camp Kami, including to clarify if the co-accusers' evidence had been coerced or induced.  
A key defence witness, Lieutenant Colonel Michel Habimana, who might have shed light on events at Camp Kami, was intimidated by the prosecution. He said that he had been held there at the same time as Major Vital Uwumuremyi and that the terrorism-related accusations against Ingabire were fabricated under coercion from state security.
After testifying in court, Habimana, a former FDLR spokesperson serving a life sentence for genocide, had his prison cell searched. The prosecution submitted Habimana's notes seized in the search, as evidence. They claim that the notes demonstrate that Ingabire's defence lawyer improperly prepared the witness.
Ingabire withdrew from the trial after this incident, claiming that other defence witnesses could not testify in safety and that this undermined her right to a fair trial.
"If the prosecution had doubts about the credibility of a witness, they should have asked to question him," said Jackson.
"The seizure of a witness' notes outside of the court process sends an intimidating signal to other defence witnesses."
Amnesty International's observation of the Ingabire trial focused on adherence to fair trial standards. The organization does not take a position on Ingabire's innocence or guilt on the terrorism charges.
Amnesty International appointed an independent trial monitor who was present for all but four days of the trial and compiled a detailed record of court proceedings. The organization considers that the trial fell short of complying with various fair trial standards.
The court's failure to ensure that oral evidence of Ingabire's co-accused was properly tested is particularly concerning given their unlawful detention by the Rwandan military. Amnesty International's October 2012 report, Rwanda: Shrouded in Secrecy: Illegal Detention and Torture by Military Intelligence, detailed credible allegations of torture at Camp Kami. The Rwandan authorities dismissed these allegations without investigation.
AI Index: PRE01/523/2012

Reactions to the sentencing of Rwandan opposition leader

Reactions to the sentencing of Rwandan opposition leader

In Kigali today October 30, 2012 the Rwandan High Court sentenced to
eight years of jail Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, leader of the coalition of opposition parties FDU-Inkingi. She has been remanded in prison since October 14, 2010. She has thirty days to appeal to her sentence.
On the same day as her sentencing, Kigali hosted the Seventh edition of the African Economic Conference (AEC) with the theme of "Fostering Inclusive and Sustainable Development in Africa in an Age of Global Economic Uncertainty."
The Rwandan president Paul Kagame attended the conference. It was surprising to listen to speakers stressing the issue of good governance, inclusiveness, and democratic and independent institutions, knowing that in the same city of Kigali, the most significant personality of the Rwandan political opposition to the regime had just been sentenced almost at the same time.
During the day, I scrolled twitter in the hours that followed and found the following comments from different people about the sentencing of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and some other related issues in the Rwandan capital Kigali.    
Lionel Kpenou-Chobli ‏@lionelchobli #Rwanda : Avec ca on est surs qu'elle est hors jeu de la succession de #Kagame. 8 ans de prison carrément. [Translation - #Rwanda: with that we are certain she is out the competition against #Kagame. Seriously 8 years of imprisonment.]
MarkLGoldberg ‏@MarkLGoldberg Creeping authoritarianism. RT @astroehlein#Rwanda opposition leader @VictoireUmuhoza jailed 
Presidency | Rwanda ‏@UrugwiroVillage President #Kagame#Rwanda cannot be undemocratic when empowering women, given them rights women don't have in countries that give lessons
Ruth Kang'ong'oi ‏@ckangongoi #Rwanda jails Hutu opposition leader Victoire Ingabire for 8 yrs for treason and denying genocide..same years as the guy who stole my phone.
Blair Glencorse ‏@blairglencorse Not good news for #democracy in #Africa MT @BBCWorld Opposition leader #Ingabire jailed for treason in #Rwanda 
africamedia_cpj ‏@africamedia_CPJ Paul #Kagame talks about inclusive development. Fact: In #Rwanda, only Kagame & his supporters enjoy freedom of expression#2012AEC
Daniel Howden ‏@howden_africa #Rwanda opposition leader @VictoireUmuhoza sentenced to 8yrs for genocide Ideology & conspiracy. Jailed for running against@PaulKagame
Fred Mwasa ‏@mwasa #Rwanda High Court rules Victoire #Ingabire given only of 8yrs because she sent hand-written letter to Pres #Kagame asking for leniency
africamedia_cpj ‏@africamedia_CPJ UNDP chief Helen Clark acknowledged "transformational leadership." host #Rwanda's poor #humanrights record is elephant in room.#2012AEC
Government of Rwanda ‏@RwandaGov "Human development is at the forefront of our discussions during this conference" -Helen Clark @HelenClarkUNDP #2012AEC #Rwanda
Presidency | Rwanda ‏@UrugwiroVillage UNDP Administrator Helen Clark: #Rwanda has led the way in giving women equal opportunity #2012AEC
Vincent Harris ‏@coloredopinions #Dutch ambassador helped rig elections #Rwanda , now we have#Dutch #UNDP director @AukeLootsma promoting #Kagame on day of #Ingabire ruling
Victoire Ingabire U. ‏@VictoireUmuhoza #Rwanda 8 years for saying nothing than the #Truth! Which part of#Ingabire's speech is evidence of divisionism? …
UN Development ‏@UNDP #Rwanda is an inspiration 4 many countries, looking at achievements considering its past history - @HelenClarkUNDP v@UNDP_Rwanda
Vincent Harris ‏@coloredopinions great timing of #UNDP #Rwanda to have Helen Clark shake hands with bloodsoaked criminal Paul Kagame while Victoire Ingabire gets 8 years
Armin Rosen ‏@ArminRosen @HayesBrown @CassVinograd She was facing life in prison. Kagame went easy on her, possibly out of international political concerns.
Nkunda Rwanda ‏@Rwandankunda So Kagame's is not necessarily easy on her. He wants to lock her out of the next elections! @ArminRosen @HayesBrown @CassVinograd#Rwanda
Rédaction AfriqueRNW ‏@RNWAfrique  Qui est la plus dangereuse ? La 'terroriste' Victoire #Ingabire ou ces journalistes#Rwanda  [Translation – Who is the most dangerous? 'Terrorist' Victoire #Ingabire or those journalists]
RNWAfrica Without international pressure, my mother's situation would be worse #Ingabire imprisoned for 8 years #Rwanda 
Nkunda Rwanda ‏@Rwandankunda Kagame had promised to "give the lady hell". He is now "leniently" using the courts to lock #Ingabire out of political life. #Rwanda
Grace Atuhaire ‏@graceseb #Ngabire charged 8 years in prison! Who believes in #Rwanda's#Justice system?
Nkunda Rwanda ‏@Rwandankunda Let's get it straight. #Ingabire is not sentenced for her views or ideologies. Her only crime is attempting to challenge #Kagame#Rwanda
Nkunda Rwanda ‏@Rwandankunda @ArminRosen My worry is that oppression in #Rwanda is so accepted as the norm that sentence of 8 years for no crime is viewed as lenient.
Baker Mayambala ‏@LeadAfricaUg Kagame had promised to "give the lady hell". He is now "leniently" using the courts to lock #Ingabire out of political life. #Rwanda
ruzibukira alex ‏@ruzibukira #Rwanda. Ingabire being handed over 8years is way below International standards. In #Germany #Hollocaust denials get max jail sentence: 14yrs
John Moore ‏@JohnFMoore RT @Rwandankunda: It is quite clear that the problems in the #DRCwill never be resolved until we reform #Rwanda's internal politics.
Roman @ubumanzi BTW,#Genocide in #Rwanda was much worse than what you saw in Hotel Rwanda. Much worse. So think again before you cry out for#Ingabire!
Deco Dieudonee @Decolanga #Ingabirejailing has been politically instigated by the @RwandaGov I hope that the lawyer representing her appeal at @ACHPR #Rwanda
Members of her political party I spoke to after the sentencing say that overall the punishment is no more than a political act from the Rwandan regime, act that falls in the general strategy of keeping out personalities from the opposition from challenging Paul Kagame's authority. FDU-Inkingi is calling all Rwandans to be  more mobilised and determined towards peaceful political change in their country.

HRW-Rwanda: Eight-Year Sentence for Opposition Leader

Victoire Ingabire Found Guilty of Two Charges in Flawed Trial
OCTOBER 30, 2012
The prosecution of Ingabire for "genocide ideology" and divisionism illustrates the Rwandan government's unwillingness to tolerate criticism and to accept the role of opposition parties in a democratic society. The courts should not be used for such political purposes.
Daniel Bekele, Africa director.
(Nairobi) – The guilty verdict on October 30, 2012, in the case of opposition party leader Victoire Ingabire is the culmination of a flawed trial that included politically motivated charges. The High Court in Kigali found her guilty of conspiracy to undermine the established government and denying the genocide, and sentenced her to eight years in prison.

Ingabire, president of the FDU-Inkingi opposition party, was arrested in the capital, Kigali, on October 14, 2010. She was charged with six offenses. Three were linked to "terrorist acts" – creating an armed group, complicity in terrorist acts, and complicity in endangering the state through terrorism and armed violence. The remaining three − "genocide ideology," divisionism, and spreading rumors intended to incite the public to rise up against the state − were linked to her public criticism of the government in the period before the 2010 presidential elections. In its judgment, the court changed two of these charges and acquitted her of four others.

"The prosecution of Ingabire for "genocide ideology" and divisionism illustrates the Rwandan government's unwillingness to tolerate criticism and to accept the role of opposition parties in a democratic society," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "The courts should not be used for such political purposes."

Human Rights Watch cannot comment on the veracity of the charges relating to Ingabire's alleged collaboration with armed groups, but is concerned that some of the evidence used to convict her appears to be unreliable.

The trial, which began in September 2011 and closed on April 25, was complex and marred by setbacks and delays. Ingabire, who pleaded not guilty, was tried alongside four co-defendants − Vital Uwumuremyi, Jean-Marie Vianney Karuta, Tharcisse Nditurende, and Noel Habiyaremye − who implicated her in alleged collaboration with armed groups.

All four pleaded guilty to charges of belonging to a terrorist movement, participating in terrorist acts, and creating an armed group. Uwumuremyi was sentenced to four years and six  months in prison,  Nditurende and Habiyaremye to three years and six months each, and Karuta to two years and seven months. All four are former members of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group operating in eastern Congo that consists in part of individuals who took part in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The FDLR has committed numerous atrocities against civilians in eastern Congo in recent years.

Ingabire was accused of collaborating with the FDLR and planning to form a new armed group, the Coalition of Democratic Forces (CDF).

"Several factors lead us to conclude that Ingabire did not receive a fair trial," Bekele said. "These include the politically motivated charges, such as "genocide ideology," doubts about the reliability of some of the evidence, senior government officials' public statements before the trial about Ingabire's guilt, and broader concerns about the lack of independence of the Rwandan judiciary in politicized cases."

Possible Coercion in Military Custody and Witness IntimidationDuring the trial, it emerged that three of Ingabire's co-defendants had been detained at Camp Kami, a military camp. A witness for the defense cast doubt on the reliability of the testimony of at least one of them, raising questions about their detention conditions and the possibility of coercion.

Independently of its research into this trial, Human Rights Watch has received information that other detainees in military custody, including at Camp Kami, have been put under intense pressure, and in some cases tortured, to extract confessions. Some alleged that they were ordered to incriminate Ingabire and other government opponents, even though their cases were unrelated.

During Ingabire's trial, a witness called by the defense undermined the credibility of testimony against Ingabire by Uwumuremyi, one of the co-defendants. The witness, Michel Habimana, said that he and Uwumuremyi had been detained together in Camp Kami in 2009. He claimed that Uwumuremyi was induced to incriminate Ingabire and had admitted to Habimana he did not even know her. Habimana said that Uwumuremyi had once asked him to collaborate with the intelligence services too to incriminate Ingabire, but that Habimana had refused. The court did not discount Uwumuremyi's evidence, however.

Habimana, also known as Edmond Ngarambe, is a former spokesman for the FDLR and is serving a prison sentence in Kigali on genocide-related charges. After he testified in court, he was subjected to intimidation. Prison authorities searched his prison cell on the orders of the prosecution. Habimana told the court that all his personal documents were seized, including notes he had prepared for his court statement. In court the prosecution confirmed the search by producing the notes. In a highly unusual procedure, Habimana was also questioned out of court by prison authorities, without a lawyer.

Two of the other co-defendants, Nditurende and Habiyaremye, revealed in court that they too had been detained for several months incommunicado at Camp Kami. Nditurende stated that he had been questioned several times by people he believed were intelligence agents, without access to a lawyer.

Political Bias in the Justice System
The atmosphere surrounding Ingabire's trial was politically charged long before her first court appearance. From early 2010 − several months before Ingabire was arrested − senior Rwandan government officials, including President Paul Kagame, publicly undermined the presumption of innocence, using language that strongly indicated their belief that Ingabire was guilty.

For example, Foreign Affairs Minister Louise Mushikiwabo told The Independent newspaper on August 7, 2010: "She is a criminal… She is bad news, she is connected to the FDLR and terrorist groups and she has a criminal history" and told The East African on May 3, 2010: "There is no place for people like Ingabire in Rwanda. Not now and not in many years."On June 30, 2010, Local Government Minister James Musoni was quoted by the Rwanda News Agency as saying: "Ingabire is like the advance party of the FDLR."

Such comments were amplified in pro-government newspapers, in particular The New Times, which published numerous articles extremely hostile to Ingabire, particularly in the months leading up to the 2010 presidential elections.

"The odds were stacked up against Ingabire before any evidence had been produced," Bekele said. "In these circumstances, it was highly unlikely she would receive a fair trial."

Human Rights Watch noted that the Rwandan justice system has undergone positive reforms, but said that these have been undermined by the politicization of the judiciary. The Rwandan justice system lacks independence, and judges, prosecutors, and witnesses remain vulnerable to pressure from the government, especially in cases involving opponents and critics.

Crushing Dissent
The 2008 genocide ideology law, under which Ingabire was charged, has been used as a tool to silence criticism of the government. The definition of "genocide ideology" is very broad and imprecise, leaving the law open to abuse. People such as Ingabire who have spoken out about crimes committed by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) against Hutu civilians since 1994 have been particularly vulnerable to accusations of "genocide ideology." Ingabire challenged the constitutionality of the accusation of genocide ideology but on October 18, the Supreme Court ruled that her challenge was unfounded.

Initial reports indicate that in its judgment on October 30, the High Court did not convict Ingabire for genocide ideology but for genocide denial under a 2003 law.

"The Rwandan government has a legitimate responsibility to prevent the kind of hate speech and incitement to ethnic violence that led to the genocide in 1994," Bekele said. "However, the responsibility to prevent violence should not be used as an excuse for stifling criticism or prohibiting discussion of certain events − nor should it be invoked as a pretext for delaying democratic reforms."
In 2010, the Rwandan government embarked on a revision of the genocide ideology law. An amended version was approved by the Council of Ministers on June 27 and is currently before Parliament.

Human Rights Watch urged the government to ensure that the revised version of the "genocide ideology" law guards against abusive prosecutions and the criminalization of speech that lacks the intent and effect of provoking violence.

Preventing Political Pluralism
Freedom of expression and association are severely restricted in Rwanda. Two years after presidential elections in which Kagame was re-elected with more than 93 percent of the vote, Rwanda effectively still has no functioning opposition parties. The RPF dominates the political scene and faces no meaningful challenge from other parties represented in parliament.

The FDU-Inkingi has not been able to register as a political party, despite several attempts before the 2010 elections. It has been further weakened since Ingabire's arrest and, like other opposition parties, is now barely able to function in Rwanda.

Several other members of the FDU-Inkingi have been threatened, arrested, and detained, and some prosecuted. In September, eight members of the FDU-Inkingi were arrested in Kibuye, in western Rwanda, and accused of  holding illegal meetings. They were charged with inciting insurrection or trouble among the population. They remain in preventive detention. On September 8, Sylvain Sibomana, secretary general of the FDU-Inkingi, and Martin Ntavuka, FDU-Inkingi representative for Kigali, were detained overnight by the police near Gitarama, after making critical comments about government policies during an informal conversation on a bus. The police reproached them for being too critical of government policies and claimed their party was holding illegal meetings. They were released the following day without charge. In April 2011 two FDU-Inkingi members, Anastase Hagabimana and Norbert Manirafasha, were arrested in connection with a draft statement by their party criticizing an increase in the cost of living in Rwanda. Manirafasha spent two weeks in prison and Hagabimana four months.

Other opposition parties have had similar treatment. Bernard Ntaganda, founding president of the PS-Imberakuri party, is in prison for expressing his views and criticizing the government. He was arrested on June 24, 2010, just weeks before the presidential elections, and charged with endangering national security, "divisionism," and attempting to organize demonstrations without authorization. On February 11, 2011, he was found guilty and sentenced to four years in prison – a sentence confirmed by the Supreme Court on April 27, 2012.

Two other PS-Imberakuri members, Sylver Mwizerwa and Donatien Mukeshimana, were sentenced in August 2010 to three years and two years respectively for "rebellion" and destruction of property, allegedly for breaking into the PS-Imberakuri office after the landlord had reclaimed it. Mukeshimana was released in August after serving his sentence; Mwizerwa remains in prison.

Other members of the party have been repeatedly harassed, threatened, and intimidated, and questioned repeatedly by the police in connection with their political activities. On September 5, Alexis Bakunzibake, vice-president of the PS-Imberakuri, was abducted by armed men in Kigali, blindfolded and detained overnight in a location he could not identify. His abductors questioned him about the PS-Imberakuri's activities, its membership and funding, and its alleged links with other opposition groups. They tried to persuade him to abandon his party activities, then covered his eyes again, drove him to an undisclosed location, and dumped him across the border in Uganda.

A third opposition party, the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, has been severely affected by themurder of its vice president in July 2010 and the subsequent decision by its president, Frank Habineza, to flee the country. Like the FDU-Inkingi, the Democratic Green Party has been unable to register in Rwanda, due to a succession of administrative and other obstacles by local and national authorities. In September, Habineza returned to Rwanda to try to register the party once again with a view to participating in the 2013 parliamentary elections.

Targeting Journalists
Journalists and other critics have also been prosecuted in connection with the expression of critical views. In August, Stanley Gatera, editor of the newspaper Umusingi, was arrested in connection with an opinion article published in his newspaper about marital stability and the alleged problems posed − in the author's view − by the supposed allure of Tutsi women. He was charged with discrimination and sectarianism and tried in October. He remains in prison awaiting the court's judgment.

In April, Epaphrodite Habarugira, a radio announcer at Radio Huguka, was arrested and charged with "genocide ideology" after apparently making a mistake when reading a news broadcast and accidentally mixing up terms when referring to survivors of the genocide. He spent three months in prison before being acquitted and released in July. The state prosecutor has appealed his acquittal.

Agnès Uwimana and Saidati Mukakibibi, of the newspaper Umurabyo, are both in prison after being sentenced in February 2011 to 17 and 7 years respectively in connection with articles viewed as critical of the government and Kagame. On appeal, the Supreme Court on April 5 reduced their sentences to four and three years respectively. It upheld charges of endangering national security against both women, and a charge of defamation against Uwimana, the newspaper's editor. It dropped charges of minimization of the 1994 genocide and divisionism against Uwimana.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.



United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.

· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel


UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.