The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Apr 2014

[RwandaLibre] Why Are Some Memorial Sites in Bad Shape?


Rwanda: Why Are Some Memorial Sites in Bad Shape?

30 April 2014 , By Theophile Harushyamagara, Source: Focus

Recently, while speaking to National Consultative Forum of Political
Organizations, Protais Mitali, the Minister of Sports and Culture, had
to explain the causes "of bad status" of some of the 1994 Genocide
memorial sites across the country.

While the minister agreed some memorial sites are in a poor condition
and promises a new law that is meant to reverse the case, in meantime,
pleas are coming to find immediate solutions to the problem.

"Us, whose relative's remains lie in the Rukumberi memorial site, we
are really sad. We would be delighted if this site was upgraded and
put up to required standards," said Callixte Kabandana, the president
of Rukumberi survivors' association in Ngoma, Eastern Province.

Rukumberi memorial site, where remains of at least 35,000 killed in
the Genocide lie, is described by Kabandana a "historical site",
considering how the Genocide perpetrators used copters to chase Tutsis
who attempted to find refuge in swamps surrounding the area.

Furthermore, he tells how in 2011, the Ngoma District officials and
Rukumberi survivors managed to fundraise the necessary budget to build
a respectable memorial site in memory of the loss of their loved ones.
But three years later, the memorial is in terrible shape.

Rukumberi is not the only memorial site in the Eastern province that
needs special attention, as Samson Gihana, the Ibuka representative in
Ngoma District, Eastern Province estimates.

Gihana, who is also a vice president of the East Provincial league of
Ibuka at the district level, thinks the province is far behind in
taking care of Genocide memorials compared to other parts of the

"I congratulate the Southern Province, because they have shown the
courage to prioritize taking care of Genocide memorials in their
province. But that can't be said of our province. We are far behind
compared to South, North and Provinces and Kigali City," said Gihana.

According to him, though there are promises of changing attitudes in
this regard, budget constraints, a reason forwarded by districts as a
cause, is not the main issue, but rather a lack of initiative to
engage in caretaking.

"I think there is a lack of will in the Eastern Province. It is clear
that wherever there is a good will, there is no such problem. Let's
take Southern Province case. They don't have the same problem at an
extent we do. If they are better off, why not us? This is where the
problem lies... the will," said Gihana.

Gihana describes various memorial sites in the Eastern Province as
"not up to standards", or lacking clear maintenance plans. Some are
not well cleaned, others have remains damaged or are not rehabilitated
and in obvious need.

While Gatsibo memorial site is "not up to standards", in Ngoma
district, construction works are yet to start at Kibungo and Rukumberi
sites. At Kirehe, Nyarubuye, Rwamagana and Bugesera memorial sites,
despite talks of rehabilitation, works are yet to be finished.

Special attention

The recent report of the National Commission for the Fight against
Genocide (CNLG), documented memorial sites across the country that
needs special attention.

In its 2012 annual report, CNLG said at least 30 memorial sites,
including Murambi and Bisesero, needed support for rehabilitation. The
organization provided funds close to Rwf 1 million to maintain
memorial sites.

Prof. Jean Pierre Dusingizemungu, the Ibuka president and also a CNLG
commissioner, admits several memorial sites are in a really bad
status, but adamant that all cannot be said to be in a deplorable
situation. The CNLG commissioner says district officials are at fault.

"When District Officials are committed and understands what it takes
to maintain memorial sites, there are no problems. The main problem is
the officials' attitude," he explains.

The commissioner gives the Huye district memorial sites as example to
stress that officials' attitude at district level is a determinant to
this problem.

To support this claim, he indicates several of southern province
districts that put the rehabilitation of memorial sites in their
performance contracts; that resulted in the current "acceptable"
status of memorial sites across the province.

Prof. Dusingizemungu urges District official to cooperate with CNLG in
preserving memorial sites in their respective areas, and disagrees
with talks of budget constraints at district level as the main cause
of the issue.

Of budgets constraints claims from districts, CNLG says that district
officials should work hand in hands with the private sector to raise
necessary money to maintain memorial sites, because the government is
not in a position to find budget for all the sites.

The to-be-promulgated revised law governing memorial sites and
cemeteries of victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda will
provide some solutions to budget constraints, according to the
Ministry of sports and culture.

Because it is difficult to get budget for all the memorial sites, CNLG
say they adopted a strategy of rehabilitation them in different
phases, with priority given to the most damaged.

La réponse est simple: qu'on enterre tous ces restes humains qu'on
exhibe depuis 20 ans. Que les morts reposent en paix.

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[RwandaLibre] Teaching Difficult Histories: Rwanda's Post-Genocide Experience


Teaching Difficult Histories: Rwanda's Post-Genocide Experience

Posted by carylsue

Educators and politicians are debating what some call the "official
narrative" of the past, a broadly accepted account that roots the
causes of the genocide in the colonial period. Some allege that this
historical account downplays certain realities, including the murder
of many thousands of Hutu, and favors what some describe as a
"univocal narrative" that is managed by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic
Front. (National Geographic News)

Use our resources for guidance in teaching difficult and contested histories.

A Hutu boy, orphaned by the war in Rwanda, draws pictures of Tutsi-led
Rwandan Patriotic Front soldiers shooting small stick figures who
represent Hutus. Many Rwandan Hutus think their role in the Rwandan
civil war is being re-written in an "official narrative" school
Photograph by Michael Nichols, National Geographic

Discussion Ideas
The curriculum developers at Facing History have developed relevant
materials about genocide and the teaching of history. They have found
that "establishing and nurturing classroom norms of respect and
open-mindedness is one way to help students have productive, safe
conversations about sensitive issues such as prejudice and
discrimination." They then discuss three "Levels of Questions" to help
students approach difficult texts: Factual Questions, Inferential
Questions, and Universal Questions.

Factual questions (level one) can be answered explicitly by facts
contained in the text. A factual discussion question suggested by the
Nat Geo News article might be: What are the main ethnic groups in
Rwanda, as discussed in the article?

Hutu and Tutsi

Inferential questions (level two) can be answered through analysis and
interpretation of specific parts of the text. An inferential
discussion question suggested by the Nat Geo News article might be:
What groups or institutions mentioned or alluded to in the article
contribute to Rwanda's curriculum about the genocide?

Political groups, such as the RPF; curriculum developers, such as the
Rwanda Education Board; influential individuals, such as Paul
Rusesabagina and Charles Kabwete Mulinda; and parents, teachers,
celebrities, and other survivors all contribute to the "participatory
process" of creating the curriculum.

Universal questions (level three) are open-ended questions that are
raised by ideas in the text. They are intended to provoke a discussion
of an abstract idea or issue. Some universal discussion questions
suggested by the Nat Geo News article might be: What is genocide? (The
article relies on a solid, if complex, international legal
definition.) According to the article, who is determining national
identity--"Rwandanness"? How do other nations teach about genocide and
other "contested events" in their own history?

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[RwandaLibre] Uganda: Investors buying a stake in Rwanda's renaissance


Uganda: Investors buying a stake in Rwanda's renaissance

Kampala (HAN) April 30, 2014 . IGAD2020 Weekly Regional economic
update. When mass murder and destruction broke out in Rwanda two
decades ago, 12-year-old Ashish Thakkar and his family were among
millions of refugees who had to run for their lives.
Thakkar and his family took cover at a hotel in Kigali, which was
famously portrayed in the Hollywood film 'Hotel Rwanda', with hundreds
of other displaced families.
Earlier this month Thakkar, now 32, returned to Kigali to announce
that his new investment vehicle Atlas Mara is buying a stake in the
commercial banking subsidiary of the state-owned Development Bank of
Atlas Mara was founded by Thakkar and former Barclays boss Bob Diamond
with the aim of acquiring stakes in existing African banks and
financial institutions. In December 2013, the company raised US$325
million through an initial public offering on the London Stock
Thakkar and Diamond were in Rwanda on the eve of the 20th anniversary
of the genocide to sign the deal.

"I left Rwanda twenty years ago under the worst possible
circumstances, but now after all these years, we are seeing the
country back on the right path thanks to the incredible work of
President Kagame's government," says Thakkar. "We have a great deal of
confidence in the future of Rwanda... and that is exactly why we've
invested in the Development Bank of Rwanda."
Thakkar's family lost everything in the genocide and eventually fled
to neighbouring Uganda. At age 15 he started selling computers and
founded his own business with a $6,000 loan.
Today he is described as Africa's youngest billionaire. Thakkar runs
the Mara Group, a diversified conglomerate with interests in
technology, manufacturing, real estate and agriculture.
Teaming up with Bob Diamond
Diamond and Thakkar decided to establish Atlas Mara after meeting at
an event last year. The two business moguls started talking about
their philanthropic work and the business opportunities in Africa.
They met in New York a number of times to discuss the idea of an
investment vehicle that would ride on Diamond's banking experience and
Thakkar's understanding of the gaps in the sector in Africa.
A renowned banker, Diamond resigned as Barclays CEO in 2012 after the
bank suffered heavy fines following revelations that some of its
employees had been trying to manipulate inter-bank lending rates.
"Bob Diamond is truly an expert in financial services," says his
business partner Thakkar. "Bob has a tremendous passion for and
understanding of Africa... The Diamond Family Foundation is doing great
work in Africa and so is the Mara Foundation, and this is what brought
us together."
Investing in Rwanda
Thakkar explains that post-genocide Rwanda is an interesting
investment destination because of the steps the country has taken in
creating a regulatory environment that attracts investors.
"I truly believe that Rwanda is about to take off, Bob and I share
that view. And if we didn't believe that, we wouldn't be making this
kind of investment there," he says. "Now with this investment, which
will of course prompt other investors to come to Rwanda, the enormous
entrepreneurial potential of our people will be unlocked and that is
very exciting. So, ten years from now you will be talking about a
different Rwanda; one that is a hive of economic activity and a
financial hub in the region."
He describes the Development Bank of Rwanda as "a great bank with even
greater potential".
The Rwanda deal is not Atlas Mara's first on the continent. The firm
earlier announced it was acquiring Botswana-based financial services
company BancABC for as much as $265m.
"The deals that have been struck in the past few weeks mean that Atlas
Mara now operates in six countries, but that's just the beginning. We
see many opportunities throughout the continent. We don't want to
limit ourselves," says Thakkar.
Ultimately, Diamond and Thakkar hope to build "the leading financial
services organisation in Africa".
"And by leading, we don't mean the biggest, we mean the best. We want
to help unlock Africa's incredible potential, and be a part of the
amazing developments that are happening everywhere on the continent."
By Dinfin Mulupi

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[RwandaLibre] ICC Congo witness on hunger strike over asylum bid


ICC Congo witness on hunger strike over asylum bid


A Congolese witness who implicated President Joseph Kabila in
testimony at the International Criminal Court has gone on hunger
strike over his stalled Dutch asylum bid, his lawyer said on

Floribert Ndjabu has been placed under medical observation at the
ICC's detention unit in The Hague, where he has been held for over
three years after seeking asylum in the Netherlands, fearing
prosecution if he is sent back to the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), lawyer Ghislain Mabanga told AFP.

"This is the last option, all other paths have been blocked, all
procedures at the ICC have been exhausted," Mabanga said.

"He will be on hunger strike until a solution is found," he said:
"He's doing badly, he's very weak."

The ICC was not immediately available for comment.

Ndjabu is one of three witnesses who sought asylum in the Netherlands
after giving testimony in 2011 in the cases of Congolese former
militia bosses Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui and Germain Katanga.

Ndjabu, Pierre Celestin Mbodina and Manda Charif were sent from a
prison in DRC where they were being held pending trial for alleged war

The ICC's Appeals Chamber in January ordered the three men to be sent
home, pressing the Dutch authorities for a decision on their asylum

However, three years after they testified and filed asylum claims,
their case is still pending before the Dutch Supreme Court, which is
to begin hearings on June 6.

"Floribert is desperate because he's been held at the detention unit
for three years as an asylum seeker and the Netherlands refuses to
take him," lawyer Mabanga said.

"He's afraid that the process will go on much longer and that he'll be
in detention for many more years."

Mabanga said one of the other witnesses was also thinking of going on
hunger strike.

Warlords Ngudjolo and Katanga were accused of being involved in the
massacre of more than 200 people in the village of Bogoro in the DRC's
restive northeastern Ituri province in 2003.

The witnesses' testimony included the allegation that Kabila had a
hand in the Bogoro attack.

In December 2012, Ngudjolo was acquitted of war crimes after judges
said prosecutors failed to prove his commanding role in the Bogoro

Katanga was convicted in March of complicity in the attack. He is to
be sentenced at another hearing, pending his appeal.

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[AfricaWatch] Western leaders shrill on Uganda's anti-gay bill, silent on Uganda heading the UN General Assembly


Western leaders shrill on Uganda's anti-gay bill, silent on Uganda heading the UN General Assembly

Milton Allimadi, Ugandan American Editor of the New York City-based Black Star News

KPFA Morning Mix, broadcast 04.23.2013 

Ugandan American newspaper editor Milton Allimadi spoke to KPFA Morning Mix host Anthony Fest and KPFA's Ann Garrison about his Black Star News editoria​l "Electing Kutesa Gen. Museveni's Top Spokesperson UN General Assembly President Would Reward Corruption, Tyranny And Homophobia."


Anthony Fest: The United Nations General Assembly will soon be choosing a president. The President presides over the General Assembly somewhat like the Speaker of the House. A new article says the next person to hold the post may be Sam Kutesa, the Foreign Minister of Uganda. I'm joined on the phone by Milton Allimadi, Editor and Publisher of the New York-based paper, the Black Star News. Welcome to the Morning Mix.
Milton Allimadi: Thank you for having me on.
Anthony Fest: And joining me in the studio is KPFA's Ann Garrison.
Ann Garrison: I'm here, Anthony.
Anthony Fest: Milton Allimadi, when is the new General Assembly President slated to be chosen?
Milton Allimadi: It will be -- I believe, the second week of June. So there's still enough time for the international community to wake up and do the right thing. Unless something happens, it will be Sam Kutesa, who is the Foreign Affairs Minister of Uganda. And this does a number of things. Number one, it provides Uganda a great podium for propaganda, and it also inoculates the regime against many of the criticisms that the regime deserves. The anti-gay law, for example, how bad can it really be if the international community thinks that its Foreign Affairs Minister deserves to be President of the UN General Assembly? But at the same it also exposes the UN to a great level of public ridicule. Really.
Anthony Fest: Now, tell us a little bit about this man, Sam Kutesa, the Foreign Minister?
Milton Allimadi: Okay, individually, Sam Kutesa is reputed to be one of the most corrupt politicians in Uganda and also one of the wealthiest. He's been linked to many corruption scandals. And the only reason why he has not really been tried and convicted is because of his close relations to General Yoweri Museveni, the President of Uganda. They have family ties and obviously he's been foreign minister since 2005. And one of the most serious corruption allegations involved the alleged accepting of millions of dollars in bribes from foreign oil companies. And in fact, in a letter which was leaked by Wiki Leaks, the then US ambassador to Uganda at the time, in 2009, wrote that Kutesa was one of three senior officials implicated in this alleged bribe scandal. The others were Amama Mbabazi, who was the Prime Minister, and then Energy Minister, Hilary Onek. And in that letter the ambassador suggested that in fact Amama Mbabazi should be denied visa privileges to travel to the United States. And in that same letter, he also mentioned Sam Kutesa. Go ahead.
Anthony Fest: Tell us, given what you've told us about him, how did he get the inside track to be elected to this post?
Milton Allimadi: That's very interesting, that's still something that needs to be properly investigated and I'm not sure yet. It's a rotational position. It rotates by the media regions of the world. So this is now Africa's turn, but slated to have become - the actual candidate was the Foreign Affairs Minister of Cameron. I think there was actually some background negotiations, probably between Uganda and Cameron. So Cameron withdrew its candidacy and then Uganda was elevated and the Africa candidate gets the support of the African Union endorsement. So pretty much, there is no other candidate, so come June,, unless something happens, he will pretty much by acclaim become the president of the UN general assembly. And of course, as many listeners know, Uganda, at this time, is the least deserving country to have it's candidate become President of the General Assembly. In addition to the president signing the testable anti-gay law on February 24, Uganda has committed numerous violations and territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo and Rwanda, and most recently South Sudan. And of course, the United Nation is based on that cardinal principal of respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. Now, how can a country, whose army has violated this cardinal principle so many times, then have its foreign affairs minister become president of the UN General Assembly? It is almost preposterous actually.
Anthony Fest: It's 8:44 in the morning, this the KPFA Morning Mix. I'm speaking with Milton Alimadi, Editor of the New York based Black Star News, although, Milton, you are originally from Uganda yourself. And let's bring KPFA's Ann Garrison into the conversation. She joins me because she has covered news from the great regions of Africa for many years. Ann?
Ann Garrison: Yeah, thank you Anthony. Milton, it seems like Kutesa could be elected President of the General Assembly while no one is looking because most people don't pay that much attention to the UN especially Americans who don't feel threatened by what the UN's gonna do next. We don't pay that much attention to you unless we're about to go to war, so this could happen even as the LGBT and LGBT supportive community is clamoring for an end to US aid and diplomatic relations with Uganda. Right?
Milton Alimadi: I agree with you. I think this is something, Ann, and thanks for that question, that the LGBT community should jump on and other people that share about the important work that the UN actually does do in other parts of the world, should jump on immediately. Recently, when Iran announced that it was sending its new candidate to become its permanent representative to the United Nation, the US declined to offer him a visa because apparently he was one of those who took American citizens hostage during the 1979 crisis at the US Embassy in Tehran. I believe that this is one instance where Secretary of State John Kerry, should do the same thing and denied Sam Kutesa a visa to come to take this post at the UN. In any event, he had already been advised earlier by the US Ambassador to Uganda to deny visa where Ugandan officials who implicated in this high level corruption scandals. I think this is one instance where he should step forward and do the same thing.
Anthony Fest: Now Milton Alimadi, that, can of course, with the new Iranian ambassador to the UN, but isn't that, since the UN is in New York on US territory, isn't that giving the US a second veto, a veto outside the Security Council, they can keep out someone they don't like? However contemptible he might be as an individual.
Milton Allimadi: I think sometimes, you have to do the right thing. I think in this case, we can debate about the case of the hostage taking in 1979. We could ask the question whether that is something that's now been resolved, and in the part of ministry that both countries want to move ahead of since they are involved right now in the negotiations over Iran's nuclear program.  But in this particular instance where it's ongoing, where you have Ugandan soldiers allegedly committing atrociities, as we speak, in South, in South Sudan. Where you have this law-- which was recently just been signed, and is now exposing members of the LGBT community to personal harm, to be beaten, to be discriminated again and to even be killed, I think it's preposterous to continue treating this in business and allowing this person who is the top spokesperson of General Yoweri Museveni to become President of the UN general assembly.
Anthony Fest: But by the way, also on that subject, isn't it safe to say that probably the Obama administration has already given its ascent to this?
Milton Allimadi: I think by its silence it seems that that is the case. And there also then raises the other question, what is really happening in the background when we have yet to get the official response from the Obama administration to the signing into law of the Anti-Gay bill. We were told that the administration was weighing its options and they will come out with the formal reaction that is yet to happen. In fact, what we saw happen was that the US sent additional forces to supposedly help the Uganda army in the search for Joseph Kony. If you go to Uganda and you ask Ugandans right now, what is the number one priority? I think this might come up number ten on that list and I think the first item on the agenda for Ugandans would be the removal of the 30-year dictatorship of Yoweri Museveni.
Anthony Fest: It's 8:49 in the morning. This is the KPFA Morning Mix, and we're speaking with Milton Allimadi, I am Anthony Fest here with Ann Garrison.
Ann Garrison: Milton, what do you think it would take and what can Americans do to keep Sam Kutesa from becoming the next president of the UN General Assembly?
Milton Allimadi: Well we've launched a petition drive on and people can search for that by going to and then using the search keywords "US must deny visa to Uganda Sam Kutesa." And we also have attached an open letter to Secretary John Kerry, explaining why Kutesa should be denied this visa and we also, obviously, elaborate on his background, the alleged corruption scandals and the fact that Uganda has repeatedly violated the cardinal principle of respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. In fact, Uganda was found liable by the International Court of Justice in 2005 of committing what would amount to more crimes in the democratic republic of the Congo. Slander, massacres of Congo listed to them and Congo was awarded $10 billion as reparations from the International Court of Justice. And not a dime of that has been paid. Now, given that conviction, I mean, held liable by such an international court, how is it still possible that the same Foreign Minister, the same country, should become the president of the Un general assembly. I think America should become much more insistent in demanding that the Obama administration stopped the double standard that's been extended to Uganda for such a long time. Yowerii Museveni is not the only Ugandan who would be interested in helping the US fight the spread of terrorism in African countries. For example, to help, we are trying to bring peace and stability in Somalia.  Africans are interested in the same stable and prosperous Somalia. It is not only Yowerii Museveni, in fact, if Yoweri Museveni was not the president of Uganda, I think more African countries would be willing to contribute troops to go to Somalia and other hotspots on the continent to help restore peace and stability there.
Anthony Fest: Okay, Milton Allimadi from the Black Star News, thanks for joining us on the Morning Mix.
Milton Allimadi: Thank you so much for this opportunity and I hope more Americans pay attention this important matter. Thank you and have a good morning.
Anthony Fest: And Ann Garrison, thanks for arranging the segment.
Ann Garrison: Thanks, Anthony.

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[AfricaWatch] The Gospel of Kizito: From Choirboy to Prodigal Son (with images, tweets)


The Gospel of Kizito: From Choirboy to Prodigal Son

A symbol of Rwandan reconciliation has been charged with terrorism. Even the faithful are losing confidence in the beloved young leader. Despite a confession, many say the case doesn't add up. Here's how it has unfolded so far. (updated 29 April at 14:30:00)

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[AfricaWatch] Wave of intimidation of Kigali media - Reporters Without Borders


Wave of intimidation of Kigali media



Reporters Without Borders is worried by the deteriorating environment for the media in Rwanda in recent weeks. In the past few weeks, a journalist has been arrested, at least two others have fled abroad, and a news website has been hacked. While apparently not linked, these events have helped to fuel a climate of fear and self-censorship among media personnel.

Cassien Ntamuhanga, a journalist at the Christian radio station Amazing Grace, appeared at a trial hearing in Kigali on 24 April on charges of endangering state security, complicity in terrorism, and treason. Three other defendants including the very popular singer, Kizito Mihigo, appeared with him in court.

Colleagues say Ntamuhanga never had any problems until he was reported missing on 7 April. The police announced on 14 April that he was in their custody without saying where or when he was arrested, leading the Rwanda Media Commission to assume he was held illegally from 7 to 14 April.

Nonetheless, the RMC subsequently reported on 17 April that his arrest was not linked to his work as a journalist. The prosecutor's office asked the court to keep Ntamuhura and the other defendants in detention until another hearing scheduled for today.

The US State Department has asked the Rwandan authorities to respect media freedom and ensure that Ntamuhanga, Mihigo and the other defendants get "minimum fair trial guarantees." It also stressed the important of "allowing for freedom of expression in a democratic society."

Reporters Without Borders has meanwhile learned that at least two other journalists have had to flee the country in recent weeks.

Stanley Gatera, the editor of the independent news website Umusingi, was arrested on April 17 on charges of attempted extortion. According to the information obtained by Reporters Without Borders, he was in a café when a person approached him and slipped an envelope in his pocket, whereupon three plainclothes policemen immediately arrested him and took him to the police station.

After holding him for six hours, the police escorted him to his home where a policeman told him a plan was afoot to murder him and his family. The journalist fled the country the next day. He is currently in exile.

Gatera said the threats and intimidation could be linked to an interview he gave to Al-Jazeera's "People and Power" programme in March in which he talked about the difficulties for journalists working in Rwanda. He previously served a one-year jail sentence in 2012 on charges of creating divisions and "gender-based discrimination".

His brother, Nelson GatsimbaziUmusingi's founder, fled the country in 2011, when he was also prosecuted on a charge of "creating divisions."

The other journalist to flee in the past few weeks isEric Udahemuka, who left the country with his family on 1 April, a week before the ceremony marking the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide.

After being followed, threatened, attacked, robbed and subjected to other kinds of harassment since 2012, it seems a series of articles in the newspaper Isimbi in January and March prompted an increase in the intimidation.

He told Reporters Without Borders that two men who had been following him for months warned him that he could be killed at any moment because of his articles criticizing the Rwandese government.

Finally, the investigative news website Ireme has been the victim of a cyber-attack since 15 April, when hackers replaced its usual content with outrageous material and doctored photos relating to the Mihigo case.

The website's editor, John Williams Ntwali, who was in Uganda when it was hacked, reacted immediately on social networks, explaining that he has lost control of the site and disowning the content currently displayed.

On his return to Rwanda, he wrote to the police, the prosecutor's office and the Rwanda Media Commission denying rumours that he was on the run in Uganda or in any way responsible for the current content, as he was very concerned about the possibility that the authorities would believe the rumours.

Asked who he thought was behind the hacking of Ireme, he told Reporters Without Borders that he ruled out no possibilities but suspected it was designed to punish the site for being outspoken.

Ruled by a government that often violates the public's right to information, Rwanda is ranked 162nd out of 180 countries in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index.

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Online Scholarships for Higher Education And Research (OSHEAR):


-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.



United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.

· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel


UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.