The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 May 2020

[africaforum] Fw: [fondationbanyarwanda] Rwanda : Le paradoxe KAGAME et le cynisme de l’occident Par Joseph Badibanga, Libreville Gabon

 



 

Par Joseph Badibanga, Libreville Gabon

27 mai 2020 Veritas Français 0

alt

Pour ceux qui ont appris l'histoire de l'esclavage, vous connaissez certainement la différence entre « les esclaves de champs » et « les esclaves d'intérieur, ou plus exactement les nègres d'intérieur ». Contrairement aux premiers, les nègres d'intérieur étaient choisis par leur maître suivant plusieurs critères, dont la docilité, l'obéissance aveugle, le manque de courage, de dignité, et la spontanéité à trahir.

Ces nègres d'intérieur adoraient leur maître comme un Dieu, et le maître feignait de les qualifier d' « intelligents» et plus « doués » que leurs frères nègres de champs qui refusaient la soumission. Cette histoire malheureuse est encore d'actualité dans certains pays africains et plus affreusement au Rwanda. Dans ces pays qui participent atrocement à l'asservissement et l'humiliation de l'homme noir, la démocratie est bannie, les droits de l'homme sont piétinés, le pillage des ressources est la règle.

Le « meilleur » des nègres d'intérieur est désigné par les maîtres comme Président« notre ami le président ». Le nègre « élu » reçoit la mission de faire passer leurs intérêts avant ceux du peuple, quoiqu'il en coûte en vies humaines des nègres. Après l'« abolition de l'esclavage » suivi des indépendances africaines, ces nègres d'intérieur sont devenus entre autres  Présidents de la République. Ce sont des espèces qui s'auto-reproduisent facilement et se répandent sur le continent africain. Récemment on a pu les localiser dans certains pays comme le Rwanda, le Cameroun, le Gabon, le Congo, le Togo, etc.

Ces dernières années, le nègre de maison le plus en vue est le général Paul Kagame. Il rapporte gros à son maître, contrairement aux autres nègres qui sont de moins en moins « productifs ». Le nègre de maison Kagame « dirige » le Rwanda  depuis 26 ans et va rester jusqu'en 2032. D'ici là, son maître jugera, au mépris du peuple rwandais, si ce « nègre de maison »préserve toujours ses intérêts. Le cas Kagame est instructif à plus d'un titre. Cet ex-réfugié tutsi rwandais qui est arrivé au pouvoir après un bain de sang sans précédent dans l'histoire du Rwanda. Soutenu par l'occident, il a éliminé tous ses concurrents plus instruits et visionnaires.

Grâce à son éducation informelle et sa formation incomplète (trois ans post primaire)il  est considéré comme le plus « intelligent » ou plus malin, capable de sacrifier les siens pour des honneurs inespérés. Dans son pays, le nègre de maison Paul Kagamé n'a aucun opposant politique actif, parce que son maître n'en veut pas ! Ceux qui ont eu  la chance, se sont exilés, les autres ont été exécutés avec l'aval discret du maître. Ce qui m'étonne, ce sont les nègres des champs rwandais, qui pensent que Kagamé doit être jugé par qui et pourquoi ? La réponse est dans la question.

Kagame est en mission. Le maître a besoin d'autres « Kagamés » dans d'autres pays africains. Il a été choisi pour détruire toute initiative qui valoriserait le nègre. Il doit saboter toute action qui sonnerait la fin de la domination et l'exploitation de l'homme noir. Nous assistons à des spectacles désolants où le nègre de maison Kagamé détruit insidieusement le Burundi et le Congo, afin de les offrir à son maître. Il va y arriver si les « nègres » burundais et congolais restent passifs. Quoiqu'en pensent d'aucuns, en règle général, l'occident est prompt à s'attaquer à tout dirigeant africain qui bafoue la démocratie et les droits de l'homme, sauf s'il est nègre de maison..

Ainsi on comprend aisément le silence assourdissant du maître sur les crimes commis par le nègre de maison Kagamé.  En fait, Kagame n'est pas le criminel, il est le bourreau exécuteur de l'ordre du maître. Cher ami, tant que tu seras nègre de maison, tu auras tous les avantages du Maître. Par conséquent, tu seras exonéré des exactions commises à l'endroit de tes frères noirs.. Tant que tu seras nègre de champs, quoique tu fasses le maître te saliras, te puniras, te tueras par le nègre de maison.

Toi frère noir, nègre de champs, si tu aspires à changer ta condition, révolte-toi, comme ses esclaves du Mississippi. Chasse à grand renfort et définitivement ce nègre de maison sans oublier son maître. Celui-ci doit comprendre qu'après 5 siècles de domination, tu es enfin maître de ton destin.

Par Joseph Badibanga, Libreville Gabon


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Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
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-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
-When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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[africaforum] Fw: *DHR* Fw: Kabuga

 


 

"Loin d'être une patate chaude comme l'écrit Médiapart, c'est plutôt une bonne occasion pour que ce tribunal redore son blason. Je formule un vœu solennel « que le jugement de Félicien Kabuga soit un jugement pour l'histoire»!

Affaire Félicien Kabuga. Quand la justice internationale se met à l'épreuve!
By  on May 28, 2020
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Affaire Félicien Kabuga. Quand la justice internationale se met à l'épreuve!
Dans l'histoire des affaires judiciaires, dans la majorité des cas, justice est rendue mais parfois dans bien d'autres, on assiste à des fiascos, à des affaires non élucidées, à des erreurs et/ou à des parodies de justice.
Cela a toujours existé et existera encore et toujours. Pour une raison simple : c'est la justice des hommes et « là où il y a de l'homme, il y a de l'hommerie », disait Saint François de Sales. Il y a des erreurs et des affaires non-élucidées, disais-je. Ici je peux citer à titre d'exemples deux cas : l'affaire Alfred Dreyfus en France et l'affaire Ricky Jackson aux Etats-Unis. Alfred Dreyfus était Juif. Il avait le grade de Capitaine dans l'Armée française. En 1894, il fut arrêté, accusé, jugé et condamné à perpétuité pour haute trahison. Quelques années plus tard, il sera rejugé, innocenté et réhabilité. Ricky Jackson est Noir. En 1975, il est arrêté, accusé d'avoir tué un homme blanc. Il fut jugé et condamné à mort. Il sera innocenté et libéré après 39 ans d'attente dans le couloir de la mort. Dans les deux affaires, justice fut rendue et il y eut reconnaissance de l'erreur judiciaire, réparation et même indignation et demande de pardon pour ce qui est des Etats-Unis. L'affaire qui défraie la chronique aujourd'hui, c'est l'arrestation de Félicien Kabuga, l'homme d'affaires rwandais, le fugitif le plus médiatisé, le plus diabolisé et le plus haï si j'ose dire. Avant même que son procès ait lieu, il est présumé coupable. La présomption d'innocence, c'est pour les autres mais pas pour lui! Félicien Kabuga a été donc arrêté en exécution d'un mandat international qui avait été émis par le Tribunal International pour le Rwanda. Il est accusé d'être responsable du génocide de 1994 au Rwanda. En effet, après la guerre de 1994 et la prise du pouvoir par le Général Paul Kagame à Kigali, l'ONU a mis sur pied le Tribunal International pour le Rwanda dans le but de juger toutes les parties qui seraient impliquées dans cette barbarie. Comprenez donc que Hutus et TUTSIS soupçonnés d'avoir trempé dans ces tueries, de quelque manière que ce soit, devraient être poursuivis. Aujourd'hui, force est de constater que la justice internationale poursuit un seul camp, celui des Hutus. Elle donne l'impression que l'autre camp, celui des tutsis au pouvoir au Rwanda, est protégé. Alors, justice des vainqueurs pour écraser les vaincus? Par ailleurs, les jugements rendus soulèvent des problèmes également. Cette justice internationale: ✔ A-t-elle dit le droit ou la politique? ✔ A-t-elle jugé les individus ou les institutions? ✔ A-t-elle condamné les vrais coupables et/ou tous les coupables? ✔ Y a-t-il eu une volonté manifeste de consolider le pouvoir tutsi à Kigali en décapitant et terrorisant l'ethnie hutu? Et autant d'autres questions qui n'auront sans doute pas des réponses dans l'immédiat. A moins que l'histoire s'en occupe un jour. Déjà en 2005, Juvénal Uwilingiyimana, ancien ministre et ancien directeur de l'Office Rwandais du Tourisme et des Parcs Nationaux, avait lancé un cri de détresse auprès du procureur de cette juridiction. Il dénonçait les méthodes utilisées par les enquêteurs. « …Je ne veux pas mentir pour faire plaisir aux enquêteurs et donner du crédit à votre thèse selon laquelle le génocide rwandais a été planifié par le M.R.N.D et l'AKAZU restreint et élargi. Je suis prêt à supporter toutes les conséquences telles qu'elles m'ont été précisées par les enquêteurs: je serai lynché, écrasé, mon cadavre sera piétiné dans la rue et les chiens me pisseront dessus (propres termes des enquêteurs) ». «Monsieur le procureur, ceux qui ont planifié et mis en œuvre à partir du 1er octobre 1990 le génocide du peuple rwandais sont connus, ceux qui ont assassiné le président Habyarimana Juvénal et plongé le Rwanda dans l'horreur sont connus et ce sont les mêmes qui ont planifié et exécuté le génocide.» Quelques jours après l'expédition de cette lettre, le corps sans vie de Monsieur Juvénal UWILINGIYIMANA sera découvert dans un canal à Bruxelles. Un lien de cause à effet? Un assassinat? Un suicide? Allez savoir! En 2014, neuf ans jour pour jour, après la lettre de Juvénal Uwilingiyimana et sa mort mystérieuse, André Sirois, avocat de son état, et fonctionnaire de l'ONU, publiait un document que je considère comme une indignation, une révolte, un coup de gueule. Il réagissait sur le vingtième anniversaire du génocide au Rwanda alors que la justice équitable était loin d'être rendue. Il se demandait si les célébrations de ces événements étaient justifiées. «N'y a-t-il pas des raisons de célébrer au moins pour ceux des accusés qui ont été acquittés? Il faut savoir que ces innocents (une dizaine) ont attendu leur procès en détention pendant dix, onze ou douze ans et qu'après avoir été acquittés, ils sont maintenant parqués à Arusha sans possibilité de reprendre une vie normale. Ils ne peuvent ni retourner au Rwanda, où ils seraient sûrement arrêtés et jetés en prison ou simplement assassinés, ni se rendre dans un autre pays. Bien qu'entièrement acquittés, ils sont condamnés à l'exil à vie sans aide ni motif d'espoir. Convient-il donc de célébrer la création de ce Tribunal? Je vous le demande.» Revenons donc sur l'affaire Félicien Kabuga, Médiapart nous met l'eau à la bouche en nous révélant que les avocats de la défense ne marqueront pas d'arguments. Bien entendu en cas d'un procès équitable qui se base sur le droit et que du droit. Et puisque nous sommes en France, pays de droit de l'homme par excellence, nous avons toutes les raisons de croire en la justice et d'espérer. J'ai assisté à l'audience de mercredi 27 mai 2020, devant la chambre de l'instruction de la cour d'appel de Paris, chargée de prononcer son éventuel transfert au Mécanisme pour les tribunaux pénaux internationaux (MTPI) afin qu'il y soit jugé pour génocide et crimes contre l'humanité. Rappelons que les griefs qui lui sont reprochés sont entre autres (source : Médiapart) : ✔ Il a créé la milice Interahamwe. Et pourtant il est dit qu'Anastase Gasana peut donner des informations intéressantes là-dessus. Il est connu aussi que le président de cette milice était Tutsi, un certain Robert Kajuga. ✔ Il a importé des tonnes de machettes pour tuer les tutsi. Il n'était ni le seul, ni le plus important des importateurs. Outre cela, il est dit que c'est son ex-gendre Eugene Mbarushimana qui l'aidait dans ces sales besognes. Etonnant, parce que cet Eugène Mbarushimana partage sa vie entre Bruxelles et Kigali. Il n'a jamais été inquiété par qui que ce soit. Ce que les accusateurs ignorent peut-être ou feignent d'ignorer, c'est que sa défunte femme avec qu'il a eu onze enfants était tutsie. ✔ Il était financier de la Radiotélévision Libre de Mille collines. Les comptes de cette radio ont montré qu'il avait une infime partie des actions par rapport à d'autres anciens actionnaires qui ont investi bien davantage que lui et qui seraient aujourd'hui dans le cercle du pouvoir actuel au Rwanda. ✔ Il a planifié le génocide. Le Tribunal International pour le Rwanda n'a pas prouvé la planification du génocide. Théoneste Bagosora fut acquitté sur ce point. ✔ Il était membre de l'Akazu Il y a longtemps déjà Christophe MFIZI a affirmé que c'est bien lui qui a créé le concept d'Akazu pour démolir Juvénal Habyarimana et sa famille. En tout état de cause, Félicien Kabuga a nié toutes les accusations à son encontre mercredi lors d'une nouvelle audience le mercredi 27 mai 2020. J'y étais. J'ai tout suivi. «Tout cela ce sont des mensonges. Je n'ai pas tué des Tutsis alors que je travaillais avec eux », a déclaré Félicien Kabuga, via son interprète. Ses avocats ont présenté une demande de remise en liberté qui a été rejetée par la cour dont les magistrats ont considéré que son état de santé n'était pas incompatible avec sa détention. Évidemment, l'argument de taille de Madame la procureure a pesé: «Cet homme est recherché par la justice internationale, il a été arrêté le 16 mai dernier après vingt-six ans de cavale. Certes, il a de la famille ici. Mais ce sont peut-être les mêmes personnes qui l'ont aidé dans sa cavale.» Qui nous dit que… l'interprétation des propos est mienne. Évidemment juridiquement cet argument fait mouche même si tout le monde voyait que c'est un vieux monsieur, affaibli par l'âge et par la maladie. Logiquement, il n'a pas la force de fuir. Il ne peut pas fuir, il ne veut plus fuir tout simplement. Il veut faire face à la justice. Une justice qui soit à l'écoute de sa version des faits. Va-t-il être transféré devant le MTPI, à La Haye ou Arusha, en Tanzanie? Les avocats de Félicien Kabuga refusent et réclament qu'il soit jugé en France afin de bénéficier d'un procès équitable. Ils estiment que son transfert, en raison de son âge (87 ans) et de sa santé très fragile, pourrait avoir des conséquences irréversibles. La Cour dit : « Allez vous faire juger ailleurs, pas chez nous ». « Cette justice dégradée ce n'est pas pour moi », a déclaré, Me Laurent Bayon, l'un de ses avocats. La décision d'autoriser ou non son transfert vers La Haye ou Arusha a été mise en délibéré au 3 juin. Rappelons que le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda a fermé ses portes avec un bilan mitigé. Il aura mis en accusation 93 personnes : 85 procès ont été terminés, dont cinq ont été transférés vers d'autres juridictions, au Rwanda et en France, et 61 personnes ont été condamnées. Aussitôt, le TPIR a été remplacé par un « Mécanisme », qui s'occupe des « fonctions résiduelles » des anciens tribunaux internationaux pour le Rwanda et pour l'ex-Yougoslavie. Le Procureur du mécanisme s'appelle Serge Brammertz. Il est belge, il a 58 ans et il est pressenti à la succession de Fatou Ben Souda à la tête de la CPI. C'est lui donc qui gère le dossier Félicien Kabuga et qui demande illico presto son transfert à La Haye ou à Arusha. Les avocats de Félicien Kabuga, nous l'avons vu, refusent ce transfert. Néanmoins, on peut se demander pourquoi le procureur veut à tout prix ce transfert de Félicien Kabuga alors que la France peut le juger? Eh oui, ses avocats ne le savent pas peut-être ou ils le savent et attendent un moment opportun pour brandir cette arme. Dites donc, vous avez accepté d'autres dossiers mais celui de Félicien Kabuga vous n'en voulez pas? Dites-nous pourquoi? Cette question serait embarrassante dans la mesure où elle pourrait démontrer qu'il y a une volonté politique et un mépris manifeste de la recherche de la vérité. Et cela crée des douleurs qui ne guérissent pas facilement du côté des personnes qui en sont victimes. Quel triomphe de l'injustice! Déjà fin 2014, Carla del Ponte, ex-procureur du TPIR écartée, pour avoir tenté d'enquêter sur les crimes commis par des responsables du FPR, estimait que « La justice internationale aura toujours 'un grand défaut'». Elle a beau constituer « le bon chemin », elle dépendra toujours « de la volonté politique de la communauté internationale ». Jean-Jacques Rousseau nous a mis en garde lorsqu'il écrit dans « Du contrat social », que « rien n'est plus dangereux que l'influence des intérêts privés dans les affaires publiques ». Les hommes et les femmes sont devenus insatiables dans l'enrichissement personnel au risque de négliger l'intérêt général au profit du leur. Il suffit d'une graine pourrie pour que tout le sac soit contaminé, dit-on. On peut se demander avec André Sirois, si pour certains le Tribunal international pour le Rwanda n'a pas été un tremplin pour se faire une belle carrière et pour les autres le drame rwandais une bonne occasion pour un enrichissement personnel. Et les victimes dans tout ça? Le président Mobutu en son temps avec son MPR, il avait édicté une devise « Servir Oui, se servir Non ». Ne me demandez pas s'il l'avait appliquée sur lui-même et les hommes avec qui il a dirigé le Zaïre. Le devoir de mémoire s'impose et le respect de toutes les victimes impose à tout homme et toute femme éclairé et plein d'humanisme de réclamer un examen critique approfondi et surtout indépendant du fonctionnement des Tribunaux internationaux et en particulier celui du créé pour le Rwanda. Que s'est-il passé? Qu'est ce qui se passe? Qu'est-ce qui a manqué? Qu'est ce qui manque? Tant qu'il n'y aura pas de jugement équitable, il n'y aura ni devoir de mémoire, ni respect des victimes, ni vérité, ni justice. L'affaire Félicien Kabuga, va encore une fois mettre à l'épreuve la justice internationale. Loin d'être une patate chaude comme l'écrit Médiapart, c'est plutôt une bonne occasion pour que ce tribunal redore son blason. Je formule un vœu solennel « que le jugement de Félicien Kabuga soit un jugement pour l'histoire»! Jean-Claude NDUNGUTSE Sociologue/Enseignant



__._,_.___

Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
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-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
-When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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28 May 2020

[africaforum] Fw: [ibukabose_rengerabose] Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide

 


U.S. Mission to the United Nations
New York, New York
April 23, 2020

Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide

Since the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda and the establishment in 2003 of the "International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda," April 7 has become a solemn day to commemorate the more than 800,000 men, women, and children whose lives were lost during 100 days of unspeakable violence.  The United States joins consensus with the entire UN General Assembly to support the continuation of this "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" so that each year, we may continue to honor the victims and the survivors who carry the memories of these atrocities.

This annual day of reflection is a reminder of our common humanity and recommits us to protect the vulnerable, prevent mass atrocities, and respect the inherent dignity of every human being.

The United States remains committed to supporting the people of Rwanda in their efforts to preserve the evidence of the 1994 genocide.  Indeed, one of the strongest measures we can take to prevent mass atrocities from occurring again is to preserve the history of what has taken place and to properly capture the scope of the acts committed.

As such, the United States is concerned that changes made to the text – starting in 2018 and extended today – narrow the focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and fail to fully capture the magnitude of the violence that was committed against other groups.  Many Hutu and others were also killed during the genocide, including those murdered for their opposition to the atrocities that were being committed.  Failing to honor and remember these victims presents an incomplete picture of this dark part of history.

Revising the language used to describe past genocides sets a dangerous precedent and risks leading to revisiting other days of reflection.  We support the resolution's overall aim to reflect on the genocide in Rwanda, but also must underscore that our understanding of the circumstances of the genocide in Rwanda has not changed. 

We urge our fellow member states to insist that histories of past genocides and other mass atrocities do not fade over time.  We owe it to each and every victim of these crimes to faithfully carry forward their memories as part of our vow of "never again." 

We are also concerned about the removal of the reference to the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, which continues its important work to hold those responsible for genocide accountable..  The United States urges all states to cooperate with the IRMCT, including its search for eight Rwandans still wanted for their roles in the genocide.

The United States firmly believes that respect for all human rights, including freedom of expression, is critical in the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities.  We reiterate that any efforts to counter incitement and hate speech should respect freedom of expression.

We must also express our disappointment in the negotiation process that led to this resolution.  The result is a weaker text that strips out references that would have benefited the Government of Rwanda in its efforts to seek accountability, while forcing Rwanda's allies, including the United States, to accept language we find concerning.  While we are not calling for a vote lest others get the wrong impression about our unwavering support for justice for victims of the genocide, we are concerned that the negotiation process potentially weakened the text, limited the impact, and added unexpected costs.. 

As we reflect on the Rwandan genocide this year and always, the United States joins with the people of Rwanda and the international community in solemn reflection to commemorate all of the victims killed in the genocide in Rwanda, and to recommit to doing everything in our power to prevent such atrocities from happening again.

__._

__._,_.___

Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
-When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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Fw: [ibukabose_rengerabose] Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide


U.S. Mission to the United Nations
New York, New York
April 23, 2020

Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide

Since the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda and the establishment in 2003 of the "International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda," April 7 has become a solemn day to commemorate the more than 800,000 men, women, and children whose lives were lost during 100 days of unspeakable violence.  The United States joins consensus with the entire UN General Assembly to support the continuation of this "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" so that each year, we may continue to honor the victims and the survivors who carry the memories of these atrocities.

This annual day of reflection is a reminder of our common humanity and recommits us to protect the vulnerable, prevent mass atrocities, and respect the inherent dignity of every human being.

The United States remains committed to supporting the people of Rwanda in their efforts to preserve the evidence of the 1994 genocide.  Indeed, one of the strongest measures we can take to prevent mass atrocities from occurring again is to preserve the history of what has taken place and to properly capture the scope of the acts committed.

As such, the United States is concerned that changes made to the text – starting in 2018 and extended today – narrow the focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and fail to fully capture the magnitude of the violence that was committed against other groups.  Many Hutu and others were also killed during the genocide, including those murdered for their opposition to the atrocities that were being committed.  Failing to honor and remember these victims presents an incomplete picture of this dark part of history.

Revising the language used to describe past genocides sets a dangerous precedent and risks leading to revisiting other days of reflection.  We support the resolution's overall aim to reflect on the genocide in Rwanda, but also must underscore that our understanding of the circumstances of the genocide in Rwanda has not changed. 

We urge our fellow member states to insist that histories of past genocides and other mass atrocities do not fade over time.  We owe it to each and every victim of these crimes to faithfully carry forward their memories as part of our vow of "never again." 

We are also concerned about the removal of the reference to the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, which continues its important work to hold those responsible for genocide accountable..  The United States urges all states to cooperate with the IRMCT, including its search for eight Rwandans still wanted for their roles in the genocide.

The United States firmly believes that respect for all human rights, including freedom of expression, is critical in the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities.  We reiterate that any efforts to counter incitement and hate speech should respect freedom of expression.

We must also express our disappointment in the negotiation process that led to this resolution.  The result is a weaker text that strips out references that would have benefited the Government of Rwanda in its efforts to seek accountability, while forcing Rwanda's allies, including the United States, to accept language we find concerning.  While we are not calling for a vote lest others get the wrong impression about our unwavering support for justice for victims of the genocide, we are concerned that the negotiation process potentially weakened the text, limited the impact, and added unexpected costs.. 

As we reflect on the Rwandan genocide this year and always, the United States joins with the people of Rwanda and the international community in solemn reflection to commemorate all of the victims killed in the genocide in Rwanda, and to recommit to doing everything in our power to prevent such atrocities from happening again.

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[africaforum] Fw: *DHR* Fw: Rwandan Genocide: The response of Rwanda to the explanations of position by the United States of America and the United Kingdom. [1 Attachment]

 


 

REPUBLIC OF RWANDA

 PERMANENT MISSION OF THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA TO THE UNITED NATIONS NEW YORK

 RPM/873/24.04/C/2020 24 April 2020 

All Permanent Representatives and Permanent Observers to the United Nations New York 

Excellency, I have the honour to share the response of Rwanda to the explanations of position by the United States of America and the United Kingdom on the draft resolution entitled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (A/74/L.40).
 Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration. 

 H.E. Ambassador Valentine Rugwabiza 
 Permanent Representative of the Republic of Rwanda to the United Nations 

CC: H.E. Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande President of the United Nations General Assembly New York 

124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 

Rwanda's response to the explanations of position by USA and UK on the draft resolution entitled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (A/74/L.40) 

The adoption of resolution A/74/273 titled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (resolution A/74/273), elicited substantive reservations from two member states, the United States and the United Kingdom, in letters dated 20 April 2020. The United States noted concerns on the "changes made to the text starting 2018 and extended today – the narrow focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." It was further "concerned that changes to the text – starting in 2018 and extended today – narrow the focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and fail to fully capture the magnitude of the violence that was committed against other groups. Many Hutus and others were also killed during the genocide, including those murdered for their opposition to the atrocities that were being committed. Failing to honor and remember these victims presents an incomplete picture of this dark part of history." 

Similarly, the reservations of the United Kingdom read, "We disagree withs the framing of the genocide purely as 'the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi'. As noted in previous resolutions, we believe that Hutus and others who were killed should also be recognised."

 It is interesting to note that while both Explanation of Positions (EOPs) underscored the importance of historical facts and collective memory in averting the recurrence of genocide, they stated the exact opposite by distorting these very historical facts and by ignoring the UN Security Council resolutions and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) jurisprudence to which they are both bound. 

Let us recall that United Nations resolution 96 (I) dated 11 December 1946 recognized genocide as a crime under international law and defined genocide as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group." 

The United Nations recognized that a crime consistent with this definition had taken place in Rwanda in 1994. Consequently, on 8 November 1994 the UNSC (resolution (955)) established the ICTR to prosecute persons responsible for the genocide between1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994. The ICTR began its work in 1995 and formally closed on 20 December 2012 124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 having indicted 93 genocide perpetrators; its remaining functions transferred over to the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals on 1 July 2012. On 16 June 2006, the Appeals Chamber of the ICTR in the trial of Prosecutor v. Karemera Ngirumpatse and Nzirorera (ICTR-98-44-AR73 (C)) affirmed that indeed a genocide against the Tutsi had taken place in Rwanda. It instructed that "all the current and pending trials before the Trial Chambers of the ICTR" must refer to the following as facts "beyond any dispute and not requiring any proof;" 
1) The existence of Twa, Tutsi and Hutu as protected groups falling under the Genocide Convention; 
2) The following state of affairs existed in Rwanda between 6 April 1994 to 17 July 1994: there were throughout Rwanda widespread or systematic attacks against a civilian population based on Tutsi ethnic identification. During the attacks, some Rwandan citizens killed or caused serious bodily or mental harm to person[s] perceived to be Tutsi. As a result of the attacks, there were a large number of deaths of persons of Tutsi ethnic identity; 
3) Between 6 April 1994 and 17 July 1994 there was genocide in Rwanda against Tutsi ethnic group. 
According to the ICTR Judicial Notice, the fact that the genocide in Rwanda was against the Tutsi is "beyond any dispute and [does] not require any proof."

 Therefore, the position of the United Kingdom to "disagree with the framing of the genocide purely as the '1994 genocide against the Tutsi'" is a rejection of ICTR Jurisprudence. Similarly, both delegations hold in their EOPs, that the "others" were also killed during the genocide, is not captured by genocide as a legal term. Rwanda would welcome specific reference to "other groups" – outside the group that was the target of extermination – that the United Nations has recognized in commemoration of "past genocides." Otherwise, it would constitute an unwelcome exception for Rwanda. We therefore welcome the call by the USA to "urge fellow member states to insist that histories of past genocides" get treated with consistency in the application of shared principles. 

The demands being made against Rwanda appear to create a mechanism of remembrance outside the principles of the United Nations. However, if the positions of the United States and United Kingdom suggest the renegotiation of the UN Genocide Convention in as far as a collective decision is taken to remember "others" outside of the targeted group for extermination, then indeed this call for the renegotiation of the convention and a suggestion that as it stands the Convention is inadequate and that it should be revised beyond the "narrow" confines of targeted groups.

 In light of the UN Genocide Convention, the expectation that Rwanda broadens its framing beyond the Tutsi as the targeted group for extermination, is to demand that Rwanda applies and violates the Convention at ounce. 124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 Similarly, like in the terminology that in fact the genocide was against the Tutsi, the distinction between free speech and hate speech was also settled as part of a judicial process: The Media Trial in The Prosecutor V. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze (Case No. ICTR-99-51-T), whose aim was to draw the line between free speech and hate speech. Once again, the ICTR jurisprudence has cleared any ambiguity between free speech and hate speech in the context of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. It is worth recalling the role that the Radio-Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) played during the execution of the genocide by calling for acceleration of the killings and publications of names and physical addresses of Tutsi individuals and families yet to be exterminated. Despite the active role of the RTLM in the execution of the genocide, when a permanent member was requested to jam the radio's frequency, it refused to extend that assistance to the pursued targets citing free speech.

 In the pursuit of reconciliation, Rwanda has walked the tight rope of applying the Convention of commemorating the group that was targeted for extermination while being as inclusive as possible without compromising the very purpose of genocide commemoration. For instance, every annual commemoration of the genocide, Rwanda devotes 13th April to the remembrance of politicians and others who, although not being part of the targeted group, were killed for opposing the extermination of Tutsis.

 By bringing clarity on the targeted group for extermination, the just adopted Resolution A/74/273 and adoption of decision A/72/L.31 on 26 January 2018, are consistent with the Genocide Convention. Rather than advance reconciliation, the EOPs by the US and the UK bring ambiguity that feeds the resurgent genocide denialist movement that is already on the rise in the Great Lakes region and beyond. 

Rwanda supports the US call for member states to hold those responsible for genocide accountable and takes this opportunity to remind the United Kingdom to arrest and try genocide suspects on its territory who are yet to face justice for their role in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, as one of the strong measures to prevent impunity and the recurrence of genocide. 

Finally, with regard to the negotiation process, Rwanda has neither the authority nor the desire to "force" any member into accepting a resolution language. The language in resolution A/74/273 is a result of consultations with all members in open ended format, and in small groups and bilateral format with members having expressed specific concerns... However, as is always the case for any multilateral process, not every concern raised by individual members without enjoying a broad consensus can be accommodated. 



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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.