The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Mar 2013

The liberation of African minds: a giant step to make

The liberation of African minds: a giant step to make

A friend asked me once if I liked movies and what I liked watching on TV. I replied and said that I had not watched television for the last four years. I didn't elaborate on the reasons that had pushed me to that radical resolution. But what he added summarized most of it.

'A rabbi once said that watching television [or a censored news source – my emphasis] is like opening sewage in your house.'

Many are not aware of which ground they stand on. Harriet Tubman, a black American abolitionist born in 1822, helped to free many among her compatriots from slavery. With a lot of courage, she took enormous life risks to liberate black people during the time when a handful of Negroes would dare to oppose openly the slavery system. To those who praised her for her efforts and achievements, she responded,

'I would've freed many more if they had realised that they were slaves.'

Realising that you are a slave or not free, or simply the fact that you are oppressed or exploited, is the initial step for your liberation, your path to freedom, or recovery of your intrinsic powers. And it is a giant one. Because the power of oppression resides in the ignorance of the oppressed about their inner situation. This reminds me of a big event I attended a while ago in London city where the cream of the establishment had gathered. The keynote speaker delivered a speech which made me understand the working of capitalism. The main message was that being part of its project is the best option you can find around. It's an opportunity to be grabbed with both hands, even if they have to be tied in the process.

Dr Chancellor Williams, in his book 'The destruction of Black Civilization,' explains how Black people came to be what we generally observe today,

'The present-day confused outlook of the African people is the result of centuries of Caucasian acculturation, a quite natural process wherever one people come under the economic, political and social domination of another people. The ideologies and value system of the oppressors quite unconsciously become those of the oppressed, even when the result is demonstratively against themselves. But all other oppressed peoples, whether Indian, Chinese or Japanese, were able to hold on doggedly to their own social racial pride and cultural heritage as the last resource for survival as a people. Unlike the Blacks, they were never completely cut off from this sustaining life-live of every people.'

It could be rightly said that few black people in general and Africans particularly, feel deep-seated in their roots and proud. This small fraction is the one which occasionally raises her voice to condemn aggressors of the motherland when countries like Libya and Ivory Coast are invaded by Western powers. Unfortunately, the majority among Africans, those that Harriet Tubman would refer to as they don't know that they are slaves, will praise NATO's invasion of Libya and France for its military intervention in Ivory Coast, whatever the false justifications of the invaders. These Africans with a mind of slaves will call invaders liberators because of their ignorance.

As Africans, unless our minds become liberated, we will die and the next generation too, without knowing who is killing us, or even believing that we are living while we are in the process of dying. That would really look pathetic. It would be acceptable to succumb to a sudden tsunami which has not given any warning signs, but perishing from slow motion deadly symptoms which could be won over if addressed properly is not excusable.

Prevent the the cessation of refugee status for Rwandans fearing return

Please help us encourage UNHCR to reconsider its recommendation that states invoke the Cessation Clause for Rwandan refugees who fled between 1959 and 1998. Such action would put many at risk at a time when the fundamental, durable and positive changes required to invoke the Cessation Clause have not yet been achieved.

28 Mar 2013

Democratic Republic of Congo braced for more conflict


Democratic Republic of Congo braced for more conflict

Sultani Makenga strengthens his grip on the M23 rebel group and reinforces his position around Goma
Sultani Makenga
A UN official said: 'Makenga has been digging in, consolidating and going after new recruits. Everything feels very jittery right now.' Photograph: Isaac Kasamani/AFP
The Democratic Republic of Congo is braced for more conflict in its eastern provinces as the warlord, Sultani Makenga, strengthens his grip on the M23 rebel group and reinforces his position around Goma.
Local aid groups and UN officials said that while they welcomed the decision of a M23 faction leader, Bosco Ntaganda, to hand himself in to the US embassy in Rwanda last week and then to the International Criminal Court in The Hague to face war crimes charges, it would not make peace between the M23 and the DRC government more likely.
Ntaganda surrendered along with 700 of his followers because his faction had lost decisively to Makenga and he was thought to be in fear of his life. According to unconfirmed accounts, US intelligence facilitated his trip across Rwanda to the embassy in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, while the British and Dutch organised his flight from Rwanda to the Hague.
Since then, a UN official said: "Makenga has been digging in, consolidating and going after new recruits. Everything feels very jittery right now. It's an unstable moment."
The M23 took Goma, on the Rwandan border, last November but its leaders were persuaded by Rwanda and Uganda to withdraw on 1 December. The rebels still hold some of the high ground a couple of miles from Goma airport, close to the camps that house the more than 200,000 people displaced by November's offensive.
Peace talks between the M23 and the DRC government of Joseph Kabila are being held in Uganda and parallel contacts are said to be underway elsewhere in the region, but the distance between the two sides is substantial. Makenga is demanding the full reintegration of his force into the DRC army from which it mutinied last year, and a senior position for himself that would give him control of the mineral-rich North and South Kivu provinces.
The Kinshasa government is prepared to absorb Makenga's estimated 1,500 fighters, but will only accept M23 officers on a case-by-case basis depending on their human rights record, and says it will not will not accept Makenga.

Congolese women against genocide in DRC


Congolese women against genocide in DRC

Congolese women protesting against Rwandan support to M23
Congolese women protesting against Rwandan support to M23 in Goma – Eastern Congo.
"No brutality, no agony, no torture has ever driven me to beg for mercy, for I would rather die with my head high, my faith unshaken, and a profound trust in the destiny of my country, than live in subjection, seeing principles that are sacred to me laughed to scorn. History will have its say one day." Patrice Emery Lumumba
Congolese women denounce consumed and ongoing genocide of their compatriots since 1996. The following is a memorandum which condemns international crimes committed in the DRCongo and neo-colonial policies imposed on local populations.
Congolese women activists at a protest organised in Paris on March 23rd, 2013
Congolese women activists at a protest organised in Paris on March 23rd, 2013. They stand against the inhuman cowardly complicit and racist attitude of the West in front of the millions of their compatriot victims, particularly the thousands of dehumanized raped women.
Recalling the UN SC Resolutions 1325 on Women, Peace and Security; Diaspora Congolese Women stand in solidarity to express our solidarity and our concern for innocent Congolese populations, particularly women and young girls who are living in human insecurity, poverty, fear, hunger and oppression since 1997 in the DRCongo.
We stand united to vigorously condemn the ongoing dehumanization of the DRCongo by the ongoing war of low intensity imposed on the Congolese populations for economic reasons since 1997 by multinational corporations who have orchestrated the world's deadliest armed conflict since World War II, killing more than 5.4 million people in total international impunity.
We denounce and reject the ongoing racist neo-colonial policies imposed on the Congolese populations in attempts to dismantle the DRCongo for the control of resources and to displace local populations from their lands.
We are reminded of the 1884-1885 Berlin conference that partitioned Africa map without the presence of any African individual or representative of communities.
We commemorate the 19th century genocide of Millions of Congolese, perpetuated by the members of the International African Association, under the command of Leopold II of Belgium; who used forced labor to gather wild rubber from vines and enforce quota by the cutting off of heads or hands of recalcitrant Congolese populations.
We recall the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1956 Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that recognise the right of all peoples to exist, to live in peace and dignity, to self-determination, to freely determine their political status, to pursue their economic, social and cultural goals, as well as to manage and dispose of their own resources.
We deplore the crimes committed in the DRCongo since 1997 breach Article 6, 7, 8 of the Rome Statute defined as crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, on sexual violence, (h) on the persecution and forced displacement; and war crimes. The consecutive armed conflicts that are fought in the DRC are proxy wars sponsored by multinational corporations for the illegal access and control of coltan, cassiterite, beryllium, niobium, andesine, europium ruthenium (used in aeronautic and space industry), oil, diamonds, gold, zinc, cobalt, copper, silver, cadmium, uranium, and other rare and new metals of exceptional concentration in the DRCongo's soil. The mining of these natural resources are often undertaken in inhuman and unsafe conditions, by men, women as well as children who are exploited, treated without human dignity and often forced into labour under the threat of guns.
We cite the following reports that detail international crimes committed in DRCongo and Great Lakes Region of Africa since 1994:
-The 2012 UN Group of Experts (Hege) report on the ongoing role played by Rwanda and Uganda in directing proxy militia groups in the DRCongo.
-The 2010 "Mapping Project" report by the UN HCR on serious violations of human rights and international laws committed between 1993 and 2003 in the DRCongo.
-The 2009 Mukwege &Nangini report on Rape with Extreme Violence: a weapon of war, of destruction and displacement in the DRCongo.
-The 2008 report by UN experts showing the involvement of several companies in the financing of the conflicts DRCongo and particular the armed groups.
-The 2005 UN SC resolution 1756 recognising the specific link between illicit trade of natural resources and the proliferation of arms trafficking in the DRCongo.
-The 2006 Lutundula report on illegal mining and contracts in the DRCongo.
-The 2004 UN Security Council resolution 1533, on the illicit flow of weapons in the DRCongo and arms embargo on all foreign and Congolese forces.
-The 2002 Kassem report on the illegal exploitation and trade of natural resources in the RDCongo.
-The 1994 Gersony report on mass killings of Rwandan civilians by the Rwandan Patriotic Front led by Paul Kagame.
We decry the neo-colonial and paternalist visions imposed upon the populations of the DRCongo, under the 2013 signed Framework for Peace, Security and Cooperation Agreement drafted without any national consultations in the DRCongo and based on policies that favors the international economic interests of multinational corporations.
We demand the accountability of the five permanents members of U.N Security Council for the 1994 UN SC Operation Turquoise and to demonstrate a political will to end the armed conflicts in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, by organizing effective inter-Rwandan and inter-Ugandan dialogues necessary for peace, security, good governance, economic development and stability in the region.
We call for an end to the legitimization of armed violence as the only accessible route to power in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.
We call for increased international efforts to promote regimes that will build strong institutions to end impunity for perpetrators of violence against civilians including rape of women in the DRCongo.
We call for international sanctions to ensure that multinational companies buying minerals imported from the DRCongo should carry out due diligence to international standards to ensure they aren't supporting armed groups and oppressive regimes through their purchases. It is time for reason, morality and human dignity to prevail over financial profits and injustice to enable restoration of peace, human rights, human development and sustainable environment in the DRCongo.
Diaspora Congolese Women immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers from Belgium, Canada, France, South Africa, United Kingdom and United Stated of America.
Our existence begins to end the day we become silent about things that matter for humanity. As long as injustice will continue to constitute the "international agenda and policies", resistance will continue to be the duties of Congolese populations in the DRCongo and the diaspora.
For further information, please contact the following:,,
For Diaspora Congolese Women in the U.S.A: Jeanne Kasongo (FondShalupe -Boston) Marie-Jeanne Luyinda Georges (Victory Women-New Hampshire), Bibiane Tshefu (WILPF-New York) Leontine Daliga Lanza (Activist Congolese Woman- Los Angeles), Marie-Jeanne Kirby- Lanza (Atlanta), Jacky Kalonji (Catholic Mothers-Boston), Anne M. Kalonji (Dallas), Claude Kabuya (Boston),
Nita Evele (Congo Global Action-Washington), Marie-Claire Ghonda-Mpanu Mpanu (Washington).
For Diaspora Congolese Women in the U.K: Marie-Louise Pambu (COMMON CAUSE UK -London), Maguy Mayanda (COMMON CAUSE UK- -London)Kongosi Onia Mussanzi (COMMON CAUSE UK-Bradford) Nzita ngma (COMMON CAUSE UK-Manchester) Mina Munga (WILPF Scotland Glasgow), Liliane Mbiki Lando (COMMON CAUSE UK-London), Francoise Lutala Kabe (COMMON CAUSE UK-Cardiff), Esther Muloway(COMMON CAUSE UK-Essex), Carine Mushigo (COMMON CAUSE UK-London) Christine Lilley (UK), Marie-Claire Faray (COMMON CAUSE UK-WILPF UK-London). Me Marie-Thérèse Nlandu (London). For Diaspora Congolese Women in Belgium: Stella Kitoga (FIREFEC Bruxelles), Juliette Kimpiabi (FIREFEC Bruxelles), Marceline Mundela (Bruxelles) and Elena Matundu (GFAIA-Bruxelles).
For Diaspora Congolese Women in the UK France: Elza Vumi (Congo ActifParis).
For Diaspora Congolese Women in the UK South Africa: Me Lola Miteu (Johannesburg).
Reference Documents 

Will the Termination of the Terminator, Terminate the conflict and misery in the DR Congo without terminating their sponsors and financiers?


Will the Termination of the Terminator, Terminate the conflict and misery in the DR Congo without terminating their sponsors and financiers?

Confused, biting each other, the M23 rebel group is heading to self destruction. There is a saying in Africa that while grasshoppers are kept in a pot waiting to be fried, they start biting each rather than designing away out way out of the pot and save their lives.  The current infighting between the faction of Gen. Bosco Ntaganda and Sultan Makenga   is a clear manifestation of the failure of the above grasshoppers to get out of the pot while a pot is being cleaned and oil bought to fry them. Unfortunately the former allies and comrades have been fighting each other and killing their brothers in arms for foreign interests.
Indeed,   the architecture and  designers of this war in Kigali  are not done, they are now planning  plan B  to sponsor another rebel group   may be  in another  name to quench  their  thirst of wealth and blood for the  regime in Kigali under the command of Kagame through his  chain of commanders like the Minister of Defence James Kabarebe and  the Chief of Defences of Rwanda Defenses(RDF) respectively.
It is not clear whether the termination of the terminator will end the conflict in Congo, as long as Kagame and his regime in Kigali are left to harvest from shedding blood of innocent women and children of Congolese people.
There is no doubt that the M23 rebel group will continue to destabilise the Eastern Congo against the Kabila regime  if the  Kigali regime  is left to play the monkey tricks  of removing  one head of the rebel group replacing him with another. It is interesting that, in all these games the Kigali regime through its mouth piece the Minister of Foreign Affairs denied that the terminator was  in the country despite the fact that, he had entered on Saturday with some of his commanders. Therefore Rwanda and Kagame in particular cannot and will never be a partner   in peace with Congo and other regional countries.
Although many politicians in Congo have hailed the surrender of the most wanted war criminal in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and said that the terminator had no other option but to surrender, on the contrary the architecture of the war this terminator has been fighting on their behalf are behind this sudden surrender. The Kigali regime is besieged and under both regional and international pressure to end their support to this notorious rebel group.
Therefore unless the Kigali regime is handled with strong gloves, the so called justice some people think will prevail is a dream that is still far from the reality.
-"I think justice now has a chance to prevail, now that he has handed himself in," DR Congo's ambassador to the UK, Kikaya Bin Karubi, told the BBC's Newsday programme.
There is overwhelming evidence that the  makes the United Nations  to believe that  the M23 group is backed by the government of neighbouring Rwanda, under the direct command of Kagame's senior military officials and with full knowledge of the president  Kagame himself though Rwanda denies it.
There is hope that with the surrender of the man who is believed to have been behind all the mayhem in the Eastern Congo on the orders of president Kagame   if he does reach the ICC, he can shed light on the accusations of Rwanda's involvement in the Congolese conflicts, including the backing of the M23 rebels and the role of president Kagame in all the atrocities committed in Congo for all most two decades.
Under the international law, abetting, supporting and aiding war criminals is a crime and the Rwandan leader who has been  mentioned in the United Nations  report of experts and another mapping report  that  he personally  played a big role in arming and financing  the M23 group  should not be spared. Like some of the African leaders who have ended in Hague for crimes committed in other countries without necessarily stepping a foot in that country, so should Kagame and his Lieutenants be held accountable for the crimes against humanity committed by their proxy the M23.
Indeed, the termination of the terminator without terminating the source of the conflict which is Rwanda using the aid money from donor countries is like treating the symptoms of the disease without treating the cause.
Jacqueline Umurungi

U.N. approves creation of special combat force for Congo


U.N. approves creation of special combat force for Congo

UNITED NATIONS | Thu Mar 28, 2013 3:28pm EDT
(Reuters) - The U.N. Security Council on Thursday approved the creation of a special combat force that is to carry out "targeted offensive operations" to neutralize armed groups in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
The 15-member Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution establishing the so-called intervention brigade within the existing 20,000-strong U.N. peacekeeping force in Congo, known as MONUSCO.
(Reporting by Louis Charbonneau; Editing by Vicki Allen)

27 Mar 2013

The Most Brutal Genocide Money Can Buy

In the Heart of the DR Congo

The Most Brutal Genocide Money Can Buy


The camp for Congolese refugees in Kisoro is overcrowded, and people keep flowing in. The border between Uganda and DR Congo is just a few kilometers away, and right behind the border the vicious fighting goes on; there is true bloodshed and carnage.

The border is called Bunagana. I drive there, I film, and I talk to a few people. There is tension, everybody is edgy – locals and refugees. One cannot tell who is who. Both Ugandans and Congolese know, but, the outsider cannot tell the difference; it is one region, one area. People were coming back and forth for years and decades, people were mixing, staying at both sides of the border legally and illegally.

But now, there is almost nothing left to go back to at the other side of the border. Murderous militia M23 recently went on the rampage – killing, raping and looting with no mercy, and with absolute impunity.

M23 is supported by Rwanda, by President Kagame and by his RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front).  Rwanda and Uganda are old allies. They are looting DR Congo and its natural riches, mostly in unison, and with deadly precision. Their forces are supported, armed and trained by the West (Europe and the United States). So in the lexicon of political indoctrination and disinformation that is being spread by mass media on both sides of the Atlantic, the governments and armed forces of Uganda and Rwanda are defined as the 'good guys', they are even encouraged to serve in the lucrative 'peacekeeping missions' in Somalia, South Sudan and elsewhere.

It is widely believed that around 6 to10 million Congolese people have lost their lives since the 90's – which makes it the deadliest genocide since the WWII. One of the richest countries on earth in terms of natural wealth, was reduced to the lowest ranking on HDI (Human Development Index of UNDP, 2011).

What is shocking is that almost nobody in Europe or North America seems to know about the situation. Some have heard about 'the civil war' in the Great Lakes region; some have heard about the refugees and the victims; some have even read about the pathetic bunch of stoned lunatics, running around the jungle with Kalashnikovs and hand grenades.

But of the genocide, committed on behalf of Western business and geo-political interests? There is not a clue.

Reports coming from several Western press agencies, depict the situation in Kisoro in gloomy and abstract terms, that are full of clichés. "Hospitals are overcrowded", reads one of them.

Kisoro hospital that I visited two days after the appearance of the reports, could hardly be described as overcrowded, but the 'crowds' were outside, consisting of dozens of people trying to make their way through the gate and the wire grid-protected perimeter, to the medical facility. The Hospital is staffed with confused international doctors and local nurses. After some negotiation, I am taken to several wounded Congolese soldiers, who are resting on cots. They are too frightened, and resolutely refuse to be interviewed.

"Nobody would say it openly, but no refugee would end up in this hospital", explains my driver who is from the capital city of Kampala. "Locals are instructed to report all Congolese people to the authorities. Those who escape DRC, end up in the camps. Unless they have some private arrangement with the authorities…"

"Yesterday I saw 20 Congolese soldiers walking down the road away from the border", explained an elementary school teacher, who speaks to me just a few minutes drive from Bunagana border. "They were not armed: they usually leave their weapons at the border crossing."

Soldiers in Goma, Congo. Photo: Andre Vltchek.

I am wondering what that means? The regular Congolese army is supposed to be fighting the Rwanda-backed M23. So what are they doing here? At least in theory, shouldn't they be immediately returned to DR Congo, or treated as deserters? After all, everybody now agrees that the ravishment of East Kivu, right across the border, could amount to genocide. And these well-nourished men in uniforms, are supposed to be defending their women, children and men, instead of getting sanatorium treatment in Uganda.

But it is obvious that Congolese soldiers in East Kivu are not encouraged to stay in their country, and fight pro-Rwandan and therefore pro-Western militias.

As I mentioned, the cyberspace is constantly fed by the reports from major Western press agencies, but I appear to be the only foreigner around, with professional still and video equipment. And I am here in order to put the final touches, to my documentary film, not for some mass media-related assignment. There are obviously no uncomfortable questions being asked. Authorities are alert but generally at ease, they show no fear. They don't shoot at me; they don't try to arrest me this time. They just shoe me away as if I was some annoying fly. But I am persistently making my rounds, shuttling between the border from which I now clearly hear fighting, to the camp, IRC post and the airstrip where a Russian piloted UN MI-8 helicopter parks, ready for immediate departure.

"The UN is shuttling one Ugandan minister between Kampala and Kisoro", I am told by an onlooker, in a whisper.

"Minister of what?", I ask cautiously, but nobody knows. And I have no way of verifying. Uganda is a country of rumors.

I park the car and enter Nyakabande refugee camp, the one at the outskirts of Kisoro. I immediately begin working, knowing the risk, and realizing that every second counts. It takes just a couple of minutes, and a security guard intercepts me.

Nyakabande Refugee Camp, Kisoro, Uganda. Photo: Andre Vltchek.

Soon I am facing the head of the camp, a thoroughly arrogant individual, with a spiteful way of talking. He refers to me as "darling", despite my beard. I confront him; demanding to be allowed to film and take photographs. Several of my official IDs are rejected without any closer scrutiny. He is demanding for some 'special permits' from Kampala, which is around 500 kilometers away. I demand that he backs up and let me film, photograph and talk to the refugees. He laughs at me. He feels so certain of himself, that he shouts in my face that he will not identify himself, and will not give his name. When I insist, he calls the armed forces and orders them to throw me out of the camp. In DR Congo I would be lucky to survive such a confrontation.

"He is Rwandese", somebody whispers in my ear as I am climbing into the vehicle.

"What?" I scream. I really do.

"His name and the way he speaks. Maybe he grew up here, in Uganda, but he speaks like Rwandese."

Rumors again?

I am trying to make the story simple. Not really simple, because there is no way to do it, but just a bit simpler.

The other day I was speaking to the co-producer and the editor of our huge 150-minute documentary film "Rwandan Gambit". We discussed the complexity of the Great Lakes story. I have made films and written books on the Indonesian genocide of 1965/66, on the entire system of neo-colonialism in Oceania, on Chile and many other places. But nowhere else is the story is so complex and so blurred; nowhere else, I feel that I have to begin from zero.

What does the West know? What do the people in New York, London, Paris or Sydney imagine when one utters the names Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda or DR Congo separately or in one single breathe? And I am talking about the educated people, not the crowd that gets the news from the network television stations.

Chances are they saw "Hotel Rwanda": a film about the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. About how Hutus suddenly went bananas, and began massacring innocent Tutsis. And how one good, heroic man – (in real life, his name is Paul Rusesabagina, and the hotel in Kigali is named Mille Collines) – saved hundreds of innocent lives.

A few months ago, I went back to Mille Collinesfor a cup of coffee, and had a chat with the headwaiter. Of course he had no clue that my editor spoke to Paul Rusesabagina and found out, that he was forced to leave Rwanda. "Do you know where Mr. Rusesabagina is?" I asked naively. "In South Africa", came the reply. "Why do you ask?" "Just being curious", I said.

So, how do I summarize what I found, during those three years of intensive work on the film on Rwanda and Congo?

First of all, all four countries involved: Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo and Uganda have been suffering from the worst cases of colonialism and neo-colonialism. To begin with, Congo (then Zaire) had Patrice Lumumba, one of the greatest African leaders, assassinated by the West.

Emira Woods, Co-Director of Foreign Policy In Focus, explained in the film: "You had this liberation fighter Patrice Lumumba, who came to power as a leader of a unionist movement, a visionary who wanted to have the resources of the continent, as well as the country, serve the interest of the continent; to feed the children of the continent. And he was assassinated at the hands of the US and the UK – two key geopolitical actors, who wanted to deny the right of the Congo to truly seek its own destiny, to have a future determined by its own people."

When the President of Rwanda – Paul Kagame – was living in exile in Uganda, he became a close friend of the now Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni. They even went to the same high school together – in Mbarara. Eventually Kagame became the head of Ugandan military intelligence, and his RPF had been funded by the Western sources through the Ugandan channels, as was confirmed to us by the former US Ambassador to Rwanda – Robert Flaten.

In that period of time, one prominent Ugandan businessman who wants to remain anonymous for now at least, told me: "In Uganda, Paul Kagame is known as Pilato(after Pontius Pilate). He was the most sadistic killer and torturer, when he was the head of the Military Intelligence of Uganda."

One of the many victims (in Uganda)who were under the supervision of Paul Kagame, declared to me in an interview, in Kampala on August 27, 2012: "I was electrocuted through my testicles as I was tied. Interrogators were using the so called kandoya. The kandoya involved tying forcefully, both of my hands behind my back, thus forcing my chest to widen, and in the process causing internal bleeding. After that I was again tied in a way that made me swing like a pendulum, and that is when electric torture was applied again. All this took place in Katabi Military Barracks in Entebbe, in 1987, when Paul Kagame was in charge. I spotted him on several occasions in the background. Most of the interrogators were Rwandese."

The dreadful human rights record of Paul Kagame naturally did not deter the US and its allies from supporting Kagame and the RPF, as it did not deter the West from supporting other sadistic murderers in Indonesia, the Arab world, El Salvador, Argentina, Chile, South Africa and elsewhere.

By the beginning of the 1990's, the RPF had been penetrating Rwandan territory from Uganda for years, killing civilians and forcing hundreds of thousands of refugees to flee their homes. There were already hundreds of thousands of refugees from Burundi – mainly Hutu – living in Rwanda, most of them arriving after the bloody and near-genocidal crackdown, of the Burundian Tutsi elites against Hutus.Two months ago, I ventured to Kirundo Province of Burundi, together with an interpreter, and the villagers recalled vividly and on the record (for my film) the horrors of 1979 exodus from their country. "The situation inside Burundi was so dreadful, that Hutus would not even want to bury their dead in their own country. They were carrying them across the border to Rwanda."

In their books, Andrew Wallis (Silent accomplice), Barbara F. Walter, and Jack L. Snyder (Civil Wars, Insecurity, and Intervention) argue:

In 1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a rebel group composed mostly of Tutsi refugees, invaded northern Rwanda from Uganda in an attempt to defeat the Hutu-led government. They began the Rwandan Civil War, fought between the Hutu regime, with support from Francophone Africa and France… and the RPF, with support from Uganda. This exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In response, many Hutu gravitated toward the Hutu Power ideology, with the prompting of state-controlled and independent Rwandan media.

The racist rhetoric and agitation had been mounting across the country.  The leitmotif was that, Tutsi were enslaving Hutu and had to be resisted at all cost.

The IMF was not idle either. It did its best to destabilize Rwanda, impoverished it and devalued its currency.

In his penetrating analysis of the economic and social causes behind the Rwandan holocaust, Michel Chossudovsky, a Canadian economist and a professor of economics (emeritus) at the University of Ottawa,focused his attention on how the structural adjustment policies of the IMF and the World Bank contributed to the disaster in the Great Lakes Region:

To lay the blame solely on deep-seated tribal hatred not only exonerates the great powers and the donors, it also distorts an exceedingly complex process of economic, social and political disintegration affecting an entire nation of more than seven million people… Rwanda, however, is but one among many countries in sub-Saharan Africa (not to mention recent developments in Burundi where famine and ethnic massacres are rampant) which are facing a similar predicament. And in many respects the Rwandan 1990 devaluation appears almost as a 'laboratory test case' as well as a threatening 'danger signal' for the devaluation of the CFA franc implemented on the instructions of the IMF and the French Treasury in January 1994 by the same amount, 50%.

And in the report prepared for the defense team at ICTR on June 2002, German analyst UweFrieseckewent even further byarguing that:

Western powers, most prominently the Anglo-American powers with the Francophone powers acting as competing junior partners, have caused the crises in the Great Lakes region of Africa during the 1980s and 1990s in a twofold manner and are therefore responsible for the human catastrophe that followed. First, they ruined the region like the rest of the continent through the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) structural adjustment policy economically. Secondly, they intervened with cover operations to manipulate simmering conflicts for the purpose of political controle. The combination of both led to the disaster in Rwanda in 1994.

In 1994 the country was in total disarray, hit by misery, by RPF dashes across the border and by mounting refuges crises.

And then, on April 6, 1994, the airplane carrying the Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira, the Hutu president of Burundi, was shot down on its final approachto Kigali airport, its debris scattering all over the backyard of Habyarimana's mansion, killing everyone on board, including the French crew.The country erupted.

The Hutu militia groups, including the notorious Interahamwe, began massacring members of Tutsi minority, including women and children. In just 100 days, between 500,000 and 1 million people died, although it is uncertain what the exact demographics of the victims were,  as by then the RPF was already on Rwandan territory, and according to many experts, deeply involved in the slaughter as well, as it was marching towards the capital city of Kigali.

The 100 days of genocidal terror are very well documented, although some are arguing that it is partial and one-sided.

The essential question remains – "Who downed the plane with two Presidents"? – As this was clearly the trigger to the consequent events.

In my film, I worked closely with the Australian attorney Michael Hourigan, the former ICTR investigator, who clearly indicated that he was approached bymtrustworthy sources close to Kagame's regime. They were scared but determined to tell the truth. It was the RPF that downed the plane. Then, Hourigan was summoned to The Hague, and his testimony was disputed and eventually he was forced to resign, as he believes, because of the pressure from some of the Western powers.


United Nations forces in Goma. Photo: Andre Vltchek.

Until now, not one RPF official or soldier has stood trial at the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) in Arusha, Tanzania. The tribunal is one-sided, dealing exclusively with the crimes committed by Hutu against Tutsi.

During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, between 500,000 and 1 million people lost their lives, in the neighboring DR Congo the number of victims fluctuates between 6 and 10 million, between 1996 and now, depending on the sources.

People are literally murdered over Coltan, Uranium, Gold, Diamonds, and other strategic and precious minerals and gems.

Both Rwanda and Uganda – key Western allies – have been involved. After the Rwandan genocide, President Paul Kagame and the RPF found a very good excuse to penetrate neighboring DRCongo – there were Hutu genocide cadres hiding among the refugees, and the new Rwandan government, had the moral mandate, to pursue them across the border.

Althoughthe RPF was involved in some gruesome reprisal massacres, including the 1995 Kibeho Massacre of thousands, possibly tens of thousands of mainly Hutu refugees (in my film I use one powerful testimony of Terry Pickard – Australian military medic who in 1995 witnessed the carnage) –the real horror was reserved for Congo.

Both Rwandan and Ugandan forces have been plundering this enormous and rich (in terms of natural resources) part of Africa, staging military coups and supporting/aiding some of the most appalling militias in the world, including forces of former Congolese Tutsi army General – Laurent Nkunda – who later became one of the most brutal warlords in Africa, as well as the notorious militiaM23, led by General Bosco Ntaganda, former commander of the CNDP and the FARDC.

Pro-Rwandan and pro-Ugandan proxy militias have been periodically clashing, sometimes changing allegiances, or even going on their own. The mass slaughter of civilians, was regularly accompanied by mass rape, like that in the city of Bukavu.

The West and particularly the US and UK, have been firmly supportive of the regimes in both Rwanda and Uganda.

In my film, several personalities ranging from the former Congolese Presidential candidate Ben Kalala, to one of the leading African affairs analyst from Ghana, NiiAkuetteh, as well as Prof. Masako Yonekawa, former UNHCR Head of Field Office in Goma, confirmed that the Western governments and companies have great economic interests in DR Congo. And that both Rwanda and Uganda, have been utilized in plundering the neighboring country on their behalf.

While the Western mass media has on most occasions remained 'disciplined', and silent about the background of the conflict in DR Congo, the UN has managed to publish two damning reports. The first one was called "UN Mapping Report" published by HCHR in June 2010. Amongst other things it boldly states:

The intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to constitute a crime of genocide and the international courts have confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a particular geographical area.28 It is therefore possible to assert that, even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide if this was the intention of the perpetrators. Several incidents listed in this report point to circumstances and facts from which a court could infer the intention to destroy the Hutu ethnic group in the DRC in part, if these were established beyond all reasonable doubt.

The scale of the crimes and the large number of victims, probably several tens of thousands, all nationalities combined, are illustrated by the numerous incidents listed in the report (104 in all). The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the systematic massacres of survivors after the camps had been taken show that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage.30 The majority of the victims were children, women, elderly people and the sick, who were often undernourished and posed no threat to the attacking forces.31 Numerous serious attacks on the physical or mental integrity of members of the group were also committed, with a very high number of Hutus shot, raped, burnt or beaten.

The second, the most recent report released in June 2012, is called "Addendum to the interim report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (S/2012/348)" concerning violations of the arms embargo and sanctions regime by the Government of Rwanda. It reads:

Since the outset of its current mandate, the Group has gathered evidence of arms embargo and sanctions regime violations committed by the Rwandan Government. These violations consist of the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operating in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the recently established M23, in contravention of paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 1807 (2008).

The arms embargo and sanctions regimes violations include the following:

• Direct assistance in the creation of M23 through the transport of weapons and soldiers through Rwandan territory

• Recruitment of Rwandan youth and demobilized ex-combatants as well as Congolese refugees for M23

• Provision of weapons and ammunition to M23

• Mobilization and lobbying of Congolese political and financial leaders for the benefit of M23

• Direct Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) interventions into Congolese territory to reinforce M23

• Support to several other armed groups as well as Forces armées de la Républiquedémocratique du Congo (FARDC) mutinies in the eastern Congo

• Violation of the assets freeze and travel ban through supporting sanctioned individuals.

This latest report hit so hard, that even the closes allies of Rwanda – the US and UK – felt obliged to issue warnings and threats, that the military aid could be withdrawn from Kigali.

I took my last trip to Rwanda in July 2012. The atmosphere in the country did not feel good. All types of military groups were controlling Kigali, from the notorious Presidential Guards to the regular military, police and all sorts of paramilitary guards.

I had to collect the latest footage for my film, and I was once again ready to risk everything, and once again traveling to the extremes of the country. It helped that my driver (I used to drive my own car  from Nairobi, Kenya, but such an approach was becoming increasingly dangerous) was Tutsi, but it helped only to some extent.

The fear could be felt everywhere. The street near my hotel was blocked by heavy barricades. It was one of the access roads to the Presidential mansion. There were metal detector checks, even into the Genocide Memorial in Kigali.

I saw potential recruits for the Congolese M23, near the Rwandan city of Musanze, in deep discussion with uniformed Rwandan soldiers.

I was arrested in Goma, right at the old border crossing. Of course I filmed and the Congolese guard spotted me – he emerged, enormous like a mountain – grabbing my hand and pulling me back to his country for interrogation. That prospect truly terrified me, having spent endless hours in the bunker, of Congolese intelligence two years earlier, when all my possessions gradually began to disappear into the deep pockets of my interrogators. Only my numerous ID's, most likely saved me from the worst.

I shouted to the Rwandese soldiers, who came – two of them – grabbed my other arm and began pulling me towards Rwanda, obviously eager to avoid an international scandal.

I immediately instructed my driver to approach the second border. We crossed, illegally, as I was filming, going back and forth.

The insanity of the last days of filming…

There was a refugee camp near Gisenyi, just a few months ago empty, now overflowing with the refugees. There were UNHCR insignias on the tents; there were UNHCR trucks, as well as countless aggressive guards. There were thousands of 'repatriated' Rwandan refugees and the refugees escaping from the fighting in Kivu.

What I had observed in Uganda, Rwanda and DR Congo, the population of this part of Africa was once again on the move.

Rwanda, the Prussian-style militaristic client state of the West was in a dismal condition – skyscrapers and clean streets in the center of the capital, but absolute misery off the main roads in the countryside, with the electrification in single digit –in a stark contrast to what the politicians like Tony Blair (one advisors to Paul Kagame), want the world to believe.

There was discontent, oppression and fear in all corners of the nation. Grenades were going off, the main opposition leader Victoire Ingabire had, had her head shaved and was in prison. Kagame was acting increasingly like some manic mass murder, striking at the dissent, and even at his former cohorts, with increasing desperation.

"Kagame believes that it is ok to kill anybody he dislikes. He kills Hutus, he kills Tutsis, and there are all those crimes that are piling upon him. He seems not to care. I think he has reached the point of no return…", Dr. Theogene Rudesingwa explained on my film , a former Chief of Staff of RPF and Ambassador to the US in 1995-1999, and in the past, one of the closest allies of Paul Kagame.

Another member of what used to be known as the "Gang of Four" in the RPF hierarchy, Dr. Gerald Gashima (former Prosecutor General in 1999-2003), talks on the film about disappearances and extra judicial killings, claiming, that now Kagame is "above the law; in Rwanda he is what is law…"

The accusations are mounting, but there seems to be no determined pressure from the West to call for free elections (RPF keeps winning elections by either liquidating or intimidating the opposition members), let alone to stop the genocide in DR Congo.

It took around 3 years to make the film – "Rwandan Gambit". I had to risk my life repeatedly, driving all over the country, filming despite clear restrictions and prohibitions.

I had to talk to hundreds of people on five continents. My editor and I could hardly count on any substantial financial support. The film proved to be a monster, and a financially ruinous one. It has exhausted me financially, emotionally and intellectually.

We were addressing, unveiling the roots of the worst genocide since the WWII; presenting it to the public all over the world that, had almost no knowledge about the occurrences in the Great Lake region.

We felt under pressure to finish the film and to finish it as soon as possible.

"6 million people! " shouted Congolese Presidential candidate, Ben Kalala, to our camera. "6 million innocent men, women and children. What is the world waiting for?"

Some now say 10 million. It is an unimaginable number. I covered Chile, and the horrors of the Pinochet era. There, 3-4 thousand people died. In Indonesia, during the US-sponsored military coup of 1965, between 800.000 and 3 million people vanished. The Great Lakes genocide was the worst topic I have ever had to cover, and the most complex, too.

One had to look at the colonialism and then move to the Cold War, one had to revisit the IMF practices and then the direct support of the West to potentially murderous but loyal regimes. One had to study the circumstances of the assassination of Lumumba and then to understand how, a few decades later, Paul Kagame was brought to power.

And now the film is finished. But the slaughter in Congo goes on. I only hope that our work of three years could trigger an outcry, and help to stop the genocide.

Andre Vltchek is a novelist, filmmaker and investigative journalist. He covered wars and conflicts in dozens of countries. His book on Western imperialism in the  South Pacific – Oceania – is published by Lulu . His provocative book about post-Suharto Indonesia and market-fundamentalist model is called "Indonesia – The Archipelago of Fear" and will be released by Pluto Publishing House in August 2012. After living for many years in Latin America and Oceania, Vltchek presently resides and works in East Asia and Africa. He can be reached through his website.


-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.



United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.

· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel


UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.