The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

31 Dec 2013

President Museveni of Uganda is planning another genocide

President Museveni of Uganda is planning another genocide after  planned and organised  the Rwandan genocide.
Museveni's  threats against Machar are not helpful. With the support from the UK and USA  governments, Museveni heavily armed Kagame to fight the  peaceful  Rwanda in 1990-1994. The result of this was the genocide. After this  Museveni has been fighting in DR Congo where  he killed millions of Congolese people.  No-one can trust him. He could have used the same rhetoric about South Sudan to prevent genocide in Rwanda. Probably he regrets  his support to the war criminal and dictator Paul Kagame and this is why he is  trying to do something now  in South Sudan. But we all know that  he is a staunch supporter of   the  current South Sudan regime. Rwandan and Ugandan Military troops are already  fighting against Machar. By supporting one side of the conflicts, they are preparing another genocide. This is how the Rwandan genocide happened. One side ( Kagame's guerrilla war)  of the conflict was supported by Museveni, UK and USA during the Rwanda's war. The International Community  should learn from  the UK , Uganda and USA's involvement in the Rwanda's war  to prevent the genocide in Central African Republic and South Sudan.
 'Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni said on Monday east African nations had agreed to move in and defeat Machar if he rejected the ceasefire offer, threatening to turn the fighting into a regional conflict.'

29 Dec 2013

DRC to Send Peacekeeping Troops to CAR

DRC to Send Peacekeeping Troops to CAR

Last updated on: December 26, 2013 2:51 PM
Peter Clottey
Internally displaced children, who are escaping the violence, pose at Bangui's Saint Paul's Church December 17, 2013. Some European countries will send troops to support a French-African mission to restore order in Central African Republic, French Foreign

Internally displaced children, who are escaping the violence, pose at Bangui's Saint Paul's Church December 17, 2013. Some European countries will send troops to support a French-African mission to restore order in Central African Republic, French Foreign

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) information minister says 850 peacekeeping troops from the national army, the FARDC, will be sent next week to neighboring Central African Republic (CAR) to help with efforts to stabilize the security situation there.

Lambert Mende says the government in Kinshasa is providing assistance to about 50,000 CAR citizens who have so far crossed the border into the DRC to flee the unrest that has displaced tens of thousands.

He says the administration has told its citizens the decision to send the troops to the CAR is based on a request by the Southern African Development Community, (SADC) to contribute troops to help with peace keeping efforts in CAR, which he says will also benefit the DRC.

"We have been requested to send troops for peacekeeping mission in Central Africa and we did so by sending a battalion of 850 troops," said Mende. "So we have to work for peace in the Central African Republic. Working for peace in Bangui is working for peace and security in Congo."

Some civil society groups are objecting to the deployment saying the DRC faces security threats from several armed groups inside the country, who often attack civilians. But Mende says the DRC has received help from its own neighbors to deal with insurgencies inside its own borders.

"Our friends [from] SADC in terms of assistance sent troops to defeat the M23. So people are wise and they know that we not only receive, but we have also to give when Africa is in need. Since we received we must also give and the people understand this," said Mende.

This is DRC's first international peacekeeping effort since the country gained independence, according to Mende.

Some observers have said the gesture is a publicity stunt, saying the administration should concentrate on the DRC's own security needs since its troops are needed to augment United Nations Mission (MONUSCO) peacekeepers in the DRC.

Mende says his government needs to take preemptive measures to ensure the security situation in neighboring CAR does not spill over into the DRC.

"This fire in the Central African Republic, if we don't [take] care to have it finished it will absolutely land in our Equator Province and our Oriental Province," said Mende. "So doing this we are taking care of our own security as the DRC. So people must before arguing, read a map of Congo."

Mende says that it is in the interest of both the DRC and the entire region to ensure peace and stability in the CAR.

27 Dec 2013


On Friday, 27 December 2013, 6:04, Herrn Edward Mulindwa <> wrote:
US and UK pursuing a 'massive land grab' in South Sudan
Get short URL
Published time: December 24, 2013 16:49
SPLA-N fighter stands with a mortar shell near Jebel Kwo village in the rebel-held territory of the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan (Reuters/Goran Salva Kiir government in South Sudan is effectively "a terrorist government put in power by the West" to tap into country's vast resources, war correspondent Keith Harmon Snow, told RT.
RT: How possible is another irrevocable split - this time of South Sudan? Or has that already happened in reality?
Keith Harmon Snow: It is already happening in reality. The fighting since December 15 has led to the murder of about 5,000 people in the Juba area according to reports we are getting from South Sudan. Of course, none of this is in the international media at all; the international press is completely relying on the government of Salva Kiir for their facts and their information. And the government of Salva Kiir is effectively a terrorist government put in power by the West.
RT: What interests are the US and UK pursuing in South Sudan? Why they are involved there?
KS: Massive land grab! We are talking about agricultural resources that have not been tapped into that [huge] agribusiness want to take control of it. Sudan is home to massive properties that are producing, or have produced in the past, the main ingredient for soft drinks and ice cream, which is gum-arabic. The Darfur area in particular was [important] because the gum-arabic produced there [accounts for two-thirds] of the world's supply, and it's the best gum-arabic in the world. South Sudan has mining reserves and it also has massive oil reserves. Those are the biggest interests: land, oil, mining and agricultural production.
RT: How is the conflict affecting the oil industry and what is the international community doing about it?
KS: The oil industry in Sudan has backed the terrorism that happened there and agents of power that have put in place the government of Salva Kiir. The agents that supported the South Sudan, Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), would be the government of Uganda and powerful factions from the United States, including cooperative executives from the oil companies.
The interests of the oil companies have been served by bringing the SPLA into power, which they did, and they succeeded in creating a separate independent state called South Sudan. In the process, the oil has continued to flow out of South Sudan. They have brought about this situation and every day there is killing inside South Sudan; it benefits the oil companies because if you remove the people you have greater control of the land.
andout photo from UNMISS shows officers from the UNMISS Japanese contingent provide water to civilians seeking refuge in UN House, the UNMISS (United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan) compound on the southwestern outskirts of Juba on December 16, 2013. (AFP/UNMISS)
RT: How strong are the government's forces now?
KS: The Sudan People's Liberation Army, which would be the government forces, has been split into several factions, and in the fight that has occurred recently has been the faction that is the government in power: Salva Kiir, versus Riek Machar. Both of these guys, Riek Machar and Salva Kiir, were from the Sudan People's Liberation Army previously.
[The] government [of] Salva Kiir has perpetrated massive atrocities against the Luo-Nuer since December 15, especially the Nuer people in the Juba area, where the reports are 5,000 killed; and that would be mostly women and children, non-combatants of any sort. I don't see any possibility of what we would call democracy in South Sudan.
RT: Tens of thousands of civilians have found shelter in UN compounds. How vulnerable are they at this point?
KS: You have to look at the UN occupation of South Sudan as a part of a complete occupation, domination and expropriation of the land of Sudan from the people of Sudan. The UN interests in Sudan serve the power structures, they don't serve the people.
The fact that they have created a refugee camp is just another business opportunity for organizations like Save the children, or the Norwegian People's Aid, which has [projected] itself as a humanitarian organization, and has actually shipped weapons into South Sudan. You have to look at this from this prospective: the UN, the African Union, the Ugandan troops, and there are 3,000 Ugandan troops currently in South Sudan backed by the Pentagon, backed by the African command of the Pentagon.
This is what's going down in South Sudan. It's not an internal tribal war, it's a western corporate occupation and what we would call pacification of South Sudan strictly for the land grab and for the resource grab that's going on. And the people that are suffering the atrocities committed by the government of Salva Kiir have started to fight back. [The] Nuer were unhappy with the Dinka government, which has now turned on the Nuer people, and that's where the war comes from.
A guy at Smith college, Dr. Eric Reeves, has been a number one propagandist about South Sudan being the victims of atrocities for all these years, when in fact the government today, the Sudan people's Liberation government, has been the power that has been committing those atrocities in South Sudan as well as in North Sudan.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
           Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kiiza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni na Dk. Kiiza Besigye Uganda ni katika machafuko"

26 Dec 2013

DR Congo arrests rebel leader accused of war crimes « Capital News

DR Congo arrests rebel leader accused of war crimes

GOMA, Dec 23 – The Congolese army on Monday arrested a rebel leader whose militia has been accused of committing war crimes in the east of the vast Democratic Republic of Congo, sources said.

Kakule Muhima, head of a Mai Mai militia known by his nickname Shetani (Satan), was arrested in Kiwanja, a town in the volatile, resource rich province of North Kivu, Jean Claude Bambanze, civil society leader for the Rutshuru region where Kiwanja is located, said in a statement.

Army spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Olivier Amuli confirmed the arrest, telling AFP that Muhima would be brought before a military tribunal in the eastern DR Congo's main city Goma, some 80 kilometres (50 miles) south of Kiwanja, "at the first opportunity".

Bambanze said Muhima was arrested "after looting money, telephones and other items of value from five houses" in a part of Kiwanja where the UN mission to the DR Congo has a large base.

The area was retaken by the DR Congo army after it defeated the M23 rebel movement early last month.

Shetani's fighters had repeatedly engaged in territorial battles with the M23 during which they committed "many crimes" including "torture, sexual violence (and killings)", Bambanze said.

The M23, which was suspected of being backed by Rwanda and Uganda and held Goma for 10 days in late 2012, surrendered on November 5 after a major army offensive backed by a UN intervention force.

The region has rich deposits of minerals including gold and coltan, a key component in electronic devices, but is ravaged by rebels and militia who rape and murder with impunity, according to rights groups.

Kinshasa has urged dozens of armed groups still active in the area to lay down their arms or face the same fate as the M23.

Several thousand fighters have complied since then, but Kinshasa pledged that sexual violence, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide would not go unpunished.

Mai Mai groups have a fierce reputation based partly on their belief that they can dodge bullets if they sprinkle themselves with sacred water before battle.

BBC News - South Sudan sees 'mass ethnic killings'

South Sudan sees 'mass ethnic killings'

James Copnall: "The conflict is now spreading around the country"

New evidence is emerging of alleged ethnic killings committed during more than a week of fighting in South Sudan.

The violence follows a power struggle between President Salva Kiir, a Dinka, and his Nuer ex-deputy Riek Machar.

A reporter in the capital, Juba, quoted witnesses as saying more than 200 people, mostly ethnic Nuers, had been shot by security forces.

The UN says it has discovered a mass grave in Bentiu in the oil-rich Unity State, containing about 75 bodies.

"There are reportedly at least two other mass graves in Juba," UN human rights chief Navi Pillay said in a statement.

A spokeswoman for the Geneva-based human rights office told the BBC the ethnicity of those killed in Bentiu was unclear - but there are reports they are ethnic Dinkas.

Ravina Shamdasani said the other two reported mass graves were in Jebel-Kujur and Newside, near Eden.

She said it was not clear who was responsible for the killings.

Personal rivalry

The fighting first erupted in Juba last week and has spread throughout South Sudan, with rebels supporting Mr Machar seizing the major towns of Bor and Bentiu, north of the capital.

The BBC's James Copnall explains the fighting gripping the world's newest state, South Sudan - in 60 seconds

Bentiu is the capital of the oil-producing Unity State.

Mr Kiir has accused Mr Machar, whom he sacked in July, of plotting a coup. Mr Machar denies he is trying to seize power, while the government has denied it is behind any ethnic violence.

The fear is that the personal rivalry between the former allies will spark a full-scale conflict between the Nuer and Dinka groups.

Hannah McNeish, a journalist in Juba, told the BBC that she had interviewed a man called Simon, living at a UN camp, who said he was shot four times but managed to survive a mass killing by hiding under dead bodies.

"He tells of being rounded up with about 250 other men, driven to a police station in one of Juba's busiest suburbs. He describes an ordeal whereby over the course of two days, forces outside the windows fired into this room, killing all but 12 men," she said.

McNeish said this account had been corroborated by two other survivors at the camp.

Another man interviewed at the UN base in Juba reported that Dinka gunmen were shooting people in Nuer districts who did not speak the Dinka language.

UN humanitarian co-ordinator Toby Lanzer, who was in Bor over the weekend, told the BBC he had witnessed "some of the most horrible things that one can imagine".

The claims of atrocities have not been independently verified.

'Face the consequences'

The official death toll stands at 500, but aid agencies say the true figure is likely to be much higher.

There has also been fighting in Upper Nile State but few details have emerged.

Another 81,000 people have been displaced, the UN's humanitarian agency says, with about half seeking shelter at UN bases.

It warned many more people could be affected in more remote areas.

The UN has 7,000 soldiers deployed in South Sudan, but on Monday, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon urged the Security Council to reassign another 5,500 troops from UN missions in other African countries, including Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Ban Ki-moon: "The world is watching all sides in South Sudan"

He also asked for hundreds more police, three attack helicopters, three transport helicopters and one military transport plane.

He has said all reports of human rights violations and crimes against humanity will be investigated and those responsible held accountable.

Two Indian peacekeepers were killed last week in a rebel raid on a UN compound.

President Kiir has said he is willing to hold talks with Mr Machar - and that a delegation of East African foreign ministers had offered to mediate - but that his former deputy would have to come to the table without any conditions.

Mr Machar told Reuters news agency that he was open to dialogue if his political allies were released from detention.

Sudan suffered a 22-year civil war that left more than a million people dead before the South became independent in 2011.

News graphic showing the ethnic groups of South Sudan
Sudan's arid north is mainly home to Arabic-speaking Muslims. But in South Sudan there is no dominant culture. The Dinkas and the Nuers are the largest of more than 200 ethnic groups, each with its own languages and traditional beliefs, alongside Christianity and Islam.
Map showing the location of oil fields in South Sudan
Both Sudan and the South are reliant on oil revenue, which accounts for 98% of South Sudan's budget. They have fiercely disagreed over how to divide the oil wealth of the former united state - at one time production was shut down for more than a year. Some 75% of the oil lies in the South but all the pipelines run north
Map showing the geography of South Sudan
The two Sudans are very different geographically. The great divide is visible even from space, as this Nasa satellite image shows. The northern states are a blanket of desert, broken only by the fertile Nile corridor. South Sudan is covered by green swathes of grassland, swamps and tropical forest.
Map showing access to water in South Sudan
After gaining independence in 2011, South Sudan is the world's newest country - and one of its poorest. Figures from 2010 show some 69% of households now have access to clean water - up from 48% in 2006. However, just 2% of households have water on the premises.
Map showing education levels in South Sudan
Just 29% of children attend primary school in South Sudan - however this is also an improvement on the 16% recorded in 2006. About 32% of primary-age boys attend, while just 25% of girls do. Overall, 64% of children who begin primary school reach the last grade.
Map showing food insecurity rates in South Sudan
Almost 28% of children under the age of five in South Sudan are moderately or severely underweight - this compares with the 33% recorded in 2006. Unity state has the highest proportion of children suffering malnourishment (46%), while Central Equatoria has the lowest (17%).

21 Dec 2013

Africa: combating the stigma of conflict continent

Picture: Flickr / EU Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection / 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Africa is often referred to as one big country, despite being a continent as big as China, India, the United States AND most of Europe put together.

The continent is more than 30m sq. km, but this is not reflected correctly in standard Mercator maps. Europe, for instance, is the world's second-smallest continent by surface area, covering about 10,180,000 square kilometres, with approximately 50 countries (of which 28 belong to the European Union).
Africa size
See larger image here

Africa, a mega-sized continent with 54 or 55 countries, depending oninterpretation (if we were to compare size in square  meters, the UK would end up as number 31 on the list) is all too often thought of as a humanitarian desert of disasters and conflicts, with famine, malnutrition and diseases on top of it all.

However, good news is that reality actually is quite the opposite.

Although journalism continues to portray a continent of unending horrors, there are actually only 15 African countries involved in war, or experiencing post-war conflict and tension.

In countries like South Sudan, where a UN base harbouring civilians wasattacked yesterday, or the Central African Republic, where sectarian violence has thrown the already ravaged country further into chaos, the violence is so harsh that the countries make the news for good reason.

The success stories, unfortunately, remain overshadowed.

So here’s a list for you: poverty rates throughout the continent have been falling steadily and much faster than previously thought, the death rate of children under five years of age is dropping, and the continent is among the world’s most rapidly growing economic regions. "Hiding the Real Africa", a report published in 2011, or “Yes Africa Can – Success Stories from a Dynamic Continent” by the World Bank, are both reports that have helped reverse the picture somewhat.

And speaking of MDG’s (Millennium Development Goals), Ghana is set to become the first country in Africa to halve poverty and hunger before 2015, and primary school enrolment in Ethiopia has increased by more than 500 percent since 1994. Tanzania has achieved MDG 2 ahead of time and  made the most progress in Africa on primary education over the last 10 years: it has doubled net enrolment in primary school from 49 percent to 96 percent from 1999 to 2009, and increased the primary completion rate from 55 percent to 100 percent.

Globally in 2012, 15 of the 20 countries which made the greatest progress on the MDGs were from Africa. Malaria mortality rates in children in Africa were reducedby an estimated 54%, most countries’ elections pass peacefully - and mobile technology has been a game changer for Africa. Youth, whom the United Nations defines as those aged 15 to 24, are seizing the momentum and rewriting society’s rules while tweeting and hanging out on Facebook.

Humanitarian aid for conflict areas remains crucial, and aid agencies rarely have the luxury of bringing good news for the public. But one thing doesn’t exclude the other – while making a donation online, you might just as well tune in to the latest MbalaxKuduroAzonto or Coupé Decalé –tunes, and keep in mind that the conflicts are only a minor part of the continent.

UN is waging new “Rights Up Front” strategy in Africa

20 December 2013
While the UN continues to talk about the bloody war in Syria and the ongoing conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR), failing to stop genocide in Rwanda 1994, and Srebrenica in 1995, is still hounting the World body, but the United Nations are considering new preventive strategy called “Rights up Front” to prevent possible further massive abuse of human rights, Deputy Secretary General Jan Eliasson told reporters on Thursday in New York.

- Srebrenica and Rwanda’s experience

“Unfortunately, we have seen tens of thousands of people killed since Srebrenica and in Rwanda. In several situations we have seen millions of people displaced because of atrocities or risks of mass atrocities since then,” Eliasson reminded UN reporters. He offered the basic bacground for the new UN preventive action initiative. 

Eliasson announced a six-point plan with training and mentoring UN staff for further promotion of human rights; providing member states with the full information needed to respond to human rights violations and pushing for higher sensitivity within the UN personnel globally where there is a risk of masive human rights abuses.

All this was an “effort to react more systematically when we see human rights violations that could risk turning into mass atrocities.” 

In addition UN has prepared a two and a half page summary of “Rights up Front” intiative. The plan is based on the UN Charter, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while the UN General Assembly resolution from September 2005 -- the “Responsibility to protect” (R2P) also serves as a diplomatic backing for consideration, although it has never been fully implemented yet.

Russia and China continue to question the R2P - stating that it is a document that allows interfering in internal affairs of the state.

- UN discussion continues

On Tuesday – the 17th – UN Deputy Secretary General had a meeting with more than 70 representatives of UN member states to explore this new initiative. Eliasson said he and his team were very much encouraged by the reaction from UN member states “on giving human rights this role in terms of early warning.” He did not mention though – what were the initial reactions on Russia and China on “Rights up Front” initiative.

Eliasson told reporters -- UN is now to pursue the implementation of “these ideas” and then be prepared to report to the member states and other interested, including civil society and again to the media.

UN said it set up an inter-departmental and inter-agency as a working group to deal with this initiative.

Presenting the additional details of what is in the core of the new UN initiative, Eliasson said the most important is - to make human rights awareness and knowledge permeate the UN system. 

He reminded that back in 2005 the UN adopted the formula that “there is no peace without development, there is no development without peace,” but somehow the nexus of human rights was omitted. It is now the time for UN to correct that omission.

- Shocking history of mistakes 

“Well, if that is the case, then we have to also bring in that human rights dimension into both the work on peace and security and development,” Eliasson noted. 

While the intiative must be seen in the light of the peace, security and development - the human rights ought to play central role to it. 

Eliasson also pointed that, if one analyse, as UN has done, conflicts in the last 50 years, one would find “to a shocking and surprising degree” that all those conflicts practically always start with human rights violations. 

Thus, the international community should ask itself, “why shouldn’t we then be more firm and react at that stage when the human rights violations risk becoming mass atrocities,” Eliasson posed this still current dilemma. He reminded also that the human rights violations were at the beginning of all conflicts that turned into mass atrocities and lead up to major operations on UN side – “political or peacekeeping.”

“The need for early action, and the crucial role of responding early to human rights violations, is at the heart of the ‘Rights up Front’ initiative,” Deputy Secretary General Eliasson also said.

- African context

Putting everything in to the context of current African conflicts, Mr. Eliaason said -- UN worked in the last months to bring in this element of “Rights up Front” in the Central African Republic, where -- the situation remains “very fluid and fragile.” 

“We hope very much that everybody will now do what they can to prevent the atrocities that already are occurring to become mass atrocities,” Eliasson appealed again.

20 December 2013


Full details of DFID’s support to Rwanda can be found in the Country Assistance Plan 2003-2006 and the Memorandum
of Understanding. For copies of these, and for further information, go to or contact Brendan Stanbury,
DFID Rwanda (Tel: + 250 85771,
Rwanda Overview
• The challenge that confronted Rwanda in 1994 was truly extraordinary. Thirty-two
years of state divisionism, eight years of economic collapse, four years of conflict
and three months of savage genocide had left one million people dead, a collapsed
state and economy, infrastructure destroyed and nearly three million refugees in
• Rwanda has made considerable progress since then - although the needs still
remain acute. The country is at peace, the economy is stable and growing (real GDP
growth averaged almost 8% per year from 1998 to 2002), and the incidence of
poverty declined from around 70% in 1994 to 60% in 2002 (although statistics are
extremely poor).
• The key challenge for 2004 will be better service delivery (such as health care and
education) and strengthening the environment for free expression.
Progress in Rwanda
• Real GDP growth has increased from 6.0% per annum in 2001 to 9.4% in 2002.
(However this has not resulted in significant changes to incomes of rural households,
where over 90% of the population live).
• Government Social Policy is taking an active approach towards offering equality for
women in all aspects of Rwandan life – the Constitution mainstreams gender rights
and paves the way for gender equity in all areas of legislation, policy development
and government service delivery
• Rwanda is making good progress towards achieving Universal Primary Education
by 2015. Gross primary enrolment has increased from less than 1m children in
1994/5 to more than 1.7m in 2003/4.
• The net enrolment rate, at 86%, is one of the highest in the region. But low primary
completion rates indicate substantial challenges to improving quality.
• Rwanda has achieved gender equity in terms of enrolment in primary and
secondary schools. Whilst impressive, this masks large gender differences with
respect to type of school and learning and examination outcomes.
• 2003 saw the culmination of the transition period, a referendum on a new constitution
and the election of a new Government – the first pluralistic elections in Rwanda’s
history. Despite mixed reviews, the election process represented a milestone in
Rwanda’s democratic evolution.
• Rwanda leads the world in the number of female parliamentarians. Rwanda now
boasts 48.8% of the National Assembly, (an increase from 25.7%), and replaces
Sweden (45%) at the top of the table.
• Government of Rwanda honoured the commitments made in Pretoria on 30 July 2002
and withdrew its soldiers from Eastern DR Congo in October the same year.
• Government spending on both education and health care has increased between
1999 and 2003 (from US$ 59.6m to $76.6m on education and from $8.8m to $17.75
on health). Government spending on defence by contrast has halved between 1999
and 2003 as the situation with Rwanda and in the DRC has become more stable
($31.2m to $14.9m).
The Challenges
• Very low human capacity resources at all levels throughout Rwanda. Many
professionals and qualified people were killed during the genocide or fled the country.
• There are only 274 qualified doctors in Rwanda. That is 1 doctor for every 14,599
• Very limited land resources. Rwanda is the most densely populated country in
Africa and the population is still growing.
Full details of DFID’s support to Rwanda can be found in the Country Assistance Plan 2003-2006 and the Memorandum
of Understanding. For copies of these, and for further information, go to or contact Brendan Stanbury,
DFID Rwanda (Tel: + 250 85771,
• Subsistence agriculture remains the mainstay of the rural economy. The potential of
commercial agriculture is poorly exploited and over 50% of the rural population
is underemployed.
• 40% of all 10-14 year olds are orphans as a result of the genocide and half the
population is under 18.
• 13-14% of children never enrol in school.
• Prisons are still full of people accused of genocide related crimes. To process them
through the normal court system would take over 100 years.
• Large numbers of ‘genocidaires’, ex-combatants, refugees and displaced people are
being reintegrated into their communities - a major challenge for reconciliation.
• Civil society is weak and poorly represented at policy levels. This presents
challenges to the expression of citizen demand and the realisation of human rights.
• Human Rights – ensuring that in striving for national unity, inclusion and equality, the
government pays particular attention to the diversity that exists amongst Rwanda
citizens and their many vulnerabilities.
UK Support to Rwanda – Overview
The UK is Rwanda’s largest bilateral development partner providing high, predictable
levels of resources in support of the Poverty Reduction Strategy. This support will increase
from £37m in 2003/4, to £42m in 2004/5, and £47m in 2005/6. A new DFID Rwanda office
opened in January 2004, signaling UK’s intention to continue our long-term partnership with
The Government of Rwanda has a developed an internationally agreed long-term strategy
to reduce poverty. The UK provides support for the basic processes of government, crucial
to the successful implementation of this strategy. The UK provides 2/3 of its financial support
to bridging the financing gap for implementing Rwanda’s poverty reduction strategy.
The UK Government partnership with the Government of Rwanda is based on the
UK/Rwanda Memorandum of Understanding signed in January 2004. The MoU underpins the
UK/Rwanda bilateral relationship, and provides a sound basis for constructive dialogue and
assessment of progress on social, economic and political developments.
In order to make sure that UK support has the greatest impact on reducing poverty in
Rwanda, priority has been given to building capacity in the areas of strategic planning and
budgeting, rural livelihoods and education. These are the areas that present the biggest
challenges to Rwanda’s continued development. The UK has agreed to:
• Support International and regional initiatives aimed at securing peace and stability
in central Africa;
• Increase our engagement on economic and social policy issues affecting Rwanda;
• Promote aid co-ordination, harmonisation, and alignment;
• Provide support for the basic processes of government, which are crucial for the
successful implementation of the PRS;
• Continue our significant support to education and gender equity;
• Seek strategic engagement in rural transformation (the highest priority for
Government action to reduce poverty in the PRS) and security sector reform;
• Continue to help combat HIV/AIDS through the Rwanda component of the DFIDsupported
International Partnership Against Aids in Africa programme;
• Embark on a long-term initiative to enable Rwanda citizens to progressively realize
their human rights, through engagement with Government, development partners,
and civil society.
Full details of DFID’s support to Rwanda can be found in the Country Assistance Plan 2003-2006 and the Memorandum
of Understanding. For copies of these, and for further information, go to or contact Brendan Stanbury,
DFID Rwanda (Tel: + 250 85771,
Examples of UK support to Rwanda
Support to Education
UK is Rwanda’s main bilateral partner in the education sector. With UK support, the education
sector now has a realistic plan for the achievement of the goals for education for all.
Teacher qualifications are being upgraded, and the curriculum is undergoing revision.
Through UK/French Cooperation joint support, the textbook:student ratio was improved to 1:3
in 2002. Further large textbook purchases in 2003/4 will improve this ratio further to 1:2.
Tax Revenue
UK has been Rwanda’s main partner in the establishment and development of the Rwanda
Revenue Authority (RRA). Since its creation in 1998, tax revenue as a percentage of GDP
has increased from less than 9% to more than 12.5% during the period to end 2003,
exceeding targets set during this period.
Peace and stability
The Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (RDRP) co-ordinates the
demobilisation, reinsertion and reintegration of ex-combatants from the Rwandan Defence
Forces, the Forces Armees Rwandaises and ex-members of other armed groups. 46,000
soldiers have been through the demobilisation process since 1997.
The RDRP works under the framework of the World Bank's Multi-Country Demobilisation and
Reintegration Programme and within the terms of the Lusaka and Pretoria Agreements,
covering the cessation of hostilities in DRC, withdrawal of foreign forces and the
disarmament, demobilisation, and repatriation of armed groups. UK support (£5.5m in 2002-
2003) and input is aimed at ensuring that the plans for the successful reintegration of excombatants
into the communities is effected.
UK facilitates bi-annual meetings between the Presidents of Rwanda and Uganda. This has
played an important part in working towards reconciliation and peace between the two
To further understanding and reconciliation UK is providing £500,000 to assist with the
rebuilding and rehabilitation of memorial centers at Ntarama, Nyarabuye and Murambi and
support the involvement of the local community in the centers. UK is also providing £200,000
to the Rwanda 10 Committee to promote youth involvement in the commemorations, to
promote reconciliation among youth and young people and £30,000 to support UK/Rwanda
business linkages.
UK support to HIV/AIDs
UK provides support to the International Partnership against AIDs in Africa (SIPAA) which is a
three year programme being implemented in four core countries including Rwanda. The
overall budget for Rwanda is £2.9m for the enhancement of nationally led efforts to control the
spread of HIV and support the development and implementation of the national strategic plan.
The Government of Rwanda is working with a number of major international partners
including the Global Fund, the Clinton Foundation, and MAP, to implement their HIV/AIDS
Strategic Plan. UK is working with the Government to strengthen their capacity to manage the
implementation of the Strategic Plan. We are also exploring with the UN and other
development partners, the possibility of accelerating the rollout of access to anti-retroviral
treatment in Rwanda.
Support to Survivors groups
The Ministry of Local Government has the mandate for social protection of all vulnerable
groups. Survivor groups are a special group amongst the poorest and most vulnerable in the
country. UK support is directed to identify survivors of genocide and their needs. We are
Full details of DFID’s support to Rwanda can be found in the Country Assistance Plan 2003-2006 and the Memorandum
of Understanding. For copies of these, and for further information, go to or contact Brendan Stanbury,
DFID Rwanda (Tel: + 250 85771,
presently undertaking a detailed review of progress that has been made towards meeting the
needs of this special group over the last ten years. We will use this to target the £600,000 the
Secretary of State has already committed to helping support this vulnerable group of people.
Our later support will be directed to helping develop the Ministry’s Policy Framework for the
social protection for all vulnerable groups, including survivors.
Support to Civil Society
UK is giving support to civil society organisations working towards the Unity and
Reconciliation programme. Other support is directed to Penal Reform International focusing
on research on the traditional form of justice, Gacaca (£750,000 June 2003- June 2004). A
major programme on Human Rights and Citizenship is under design. The programme will
increase and mainstream DFID support to the broad range of civil society activities which
contribute to the development and implementation of Rwanda’s poverty reduction strategy.
Support to Gender
UK is considering further support to the Ministry of Gender and help the Ministry into changing
the Policy of Gender into Action. UK has provided two phases of technical and budgeted
support to the Ministry of Gender since 1997. The Ministry has achieved impact in getting
women’s rights recognized and mainstreamed gender into various and important Institutional
Policy such as the Rwandan Constitution, the Rwandan Budget and this has contributed to
ranking Rwanda the first country in the World with a record of 48% of Women
Parliamentarians and 30 % of Women as Members of the Government. But like some other
areas of Government, the Ministry has a high turn over of expertise and finds it difficult to
institutionalise the roll out of Gender policy. The progressive realization of Women’s rights
have a high priority in UK’s commitment to the Government and people of Rwanda.
Support to Media Sector
DFID is providing support to the media sector to develop a strategic plan for regulatory and
licensing procedures, build capacity of the school of journalism at the national University in
Butare, and hold awareness seminars for media professionals (£200,000: June 2003 –June
2004). Support to the media sector is in line with Government of Rwanda’s commitment to
provide a Policy Framework that will lay the foundations for a free and independent media
within the broad bounds of responsible journalism.
The Department for International Development (DFID) is the part of the UK Government
that manages Britain’s aid to poor countries and works to get rid of extreme poverty.
The central focus of the Government’s policy is a commitment to the internationally
agreed Millennium Development Goals to be achieved by 2015. These seek to:
- Get rid of extreme poverty and hunger
- Make sure that all children receive primary education
- Promote sexual equality and give more power to women
- Reduce child death rates
- Improve the health of mothers
- Combat HIV, AIDS, malaria and other diseases
- Make sure the environment is protected
- Develop a global partnership for development
DFID works in partnership with governments, business, civil society and the research
community, as well as international institutions such as the World Bank, United
Nations agencies such as UNICEF, and the European Community.

Rwanda: Truly hostile environment | Letters | Times Higher Education

Truly hostile environment

Phil Clark's recent article in Times Higher Education strongly implies that foreign scholars – like us – who claim that it is difficult to do careful field research in post-genocide Rwanda do not know how to do so properly ("The price of admission", 28 November). He writes that those researchers who have fallen out with the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the country's ruling party, have exaggerated the intimidation and interference that they have experienced. Clark also implies that such scholars do not know how to constructively engage the RPF and government officials. We, especially those of us who have studied the country for decades, reject these suggestions of professional inadequacy and what we perceive to be ad hominem attacks against some in our midst.

In setting out a false dichotomy between those who can no longer conduct research in Rwanda and those who can, Clark fails to ask more important questions about why, how and to what effect the Rwandan government so often attacks scholars whose research raises critical questions about the virtues of Rwandan policy or its implementation. Clark is certainly aware of such hostility: he states that he "was shocked by the venomous reaction" of the country's government to the edited collection Remaking Rwanda (2011) – a book that presents leading scholarly research on political and economic reform in post-genocide Rwanda, all of it informed by extensive fieldwork there.

His many trips to the country notwithstanding, Clark betrays a surprising ignorance about the difficult living conditions in the Rwandan countryside and everyday resistance to RPF rule. If you hobnob with government elites – many of whom benefit from and have a decidedly rosier perception of the authoritarian regime than does the country's impoverished majority – you cannot see the many dark sides of the supposed Rwandan success story apparent since the 1994 genocide.

As such, Clark is poorly placed to comment on the dangers faced by scholars who have been more conscientious – and daring – in their appraisals of the government's shortcomings. Several other respected scholars of Rwanda concur with the substance of our statement but do not feel that they can add their names for fear of negative consequences for their friends, family or continuing field research in the country.

Danielle de Lame, Royal Museum for Central Africa
Howard French, Columbia University
Villia Jefremovas, Queen's University
René Lemarchand, University of Florida
Timothy Longman, Boston University
Jens Meierhenrich, London School of Economics
Catharine Newbury, Smith College
David Newbury, Smith College
Gérard Prunier, independent scholar
Filip Reyntjens, University of Antwerp
Susan Thomson, Colgate University

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.



United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.

· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel


UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.