The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

1 Feb 2013

RWANDA: Human Rights Watch's COUNTRY SUMMARY


Human Rights Watch

JANUARY 2013 COUNTRY SUMMARY
1
RWANDA
Rwanda has made important economic and development gains, but the government has
continued to impose tight restrictions on freedom of expression and association.
Opposition parties are unable to operate. Two opposition party leaders remain in prison
and other members of their parties have been threatened. Two journalists arrested in 2010
also remain in prison, and several others have been arrested. Laws on "genocide ideology"
and the media were revised, but had not been adopted at this writing.
Community-based gacaca courts set up to try cases related to the 1994 genocide closed in
June 2012. The trial of Jean Bosco Uwinkindi, the first case transferred to Rwanda by the
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), opened in Kigali.
Several governments have suspended part of their assistance to Rwanda in response to
Rwandan military support for the M23 rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Political Opponents
Bernard Ntaganda, founding president of the PS-Imberakuri opposition party, remained in
prison after the Supreme Court in April upheld charges of endangering state security and
divisionism, and confirmed his four-year sentence handed down in 2011. The charges
related solely to his public criticisms of the government.
Several other PS-Imberakuri members were threatened, intimidated, and questioned by
the police about their political activities. On September 5, Alexis Bakunzibake, the party's
vice president, was abducted by armed men in the capital Kigali, blindfolded, and
detained overnight in a location he could not identify. His abductors questioned him about
the PS-Imberakuri's activities, its membership and funding, and its alleged links to other
opposition groups. They tried to persuade him to abandon his party activities, then drove
him to an undisclosed location before dumping him across the border in Uganda.
2
The trial of Victoire Ingabire, president of the FDU-Inkingi party, which began in September
2011, concluded in April. She was charged with six offenses, three of which were linked to
"terrorist acts" and creating an armed group. The three others—"genocide ideology,"
divisionism, and spreading rumors intended to incite the public to rise up against the
state—were linked to her public criticism of the government. On October 30, after a flawed
trial, she was found guilty of conspiracy to undermine the government and genocide denial,
and sentenced to eight years in prison. There were doubts about the reliability of some
evidence after a witness called by the defense undermined the credibility of one of
Ingabire's co-defendants. The co-defendant may have been coerced into incriminating
Ingabire while in military detention. The witness (a prisoner) was subjected to intimidation
after making his statement. Prison authorities searched his cell on the orders of the
prosecution and seized his personal documents, including notes he had prepared for his
court statement. In court, the prosecution confirmed the search by producing the notes.
In September, eight FDU-Inkingi members were arrested in Kibuye and accused of holding
illegal meetings. They were charged with inciting insurrection or public disorder and held
in preventive detention. Also in September, Sylvain Sibomana, secretary-general of the
FDU-Inkingi, and Martin Ntavuka, FDU-Inkingi representative for Kigali, were detained
overnight by police near Gitarama after they made critical comments about government
policies during an informal conversation on a bus. They were released without charge.
Frank Habineza, president of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda who had fled the
country in 2010 following the murder of the party's vice president, returned to Rwanda in
September to re-launch his party and register it before parliamentary elections in 2013.
The party had to postpone its congress planned for November because the government did
not grant the necessary authorization.
The trial of six men accused of attempting to assassinate Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, a
former senior army official who became an outspoken government critic, in Johannesburg
in 2010, continued in South Africa.
3
Journalists
Parliament approved new media laws, which in theory could increase the scope for
independent journalism. The laws were awaiting adoption at this writing. In practice,
journalists continue to be targeted for articles perceived to be critical of the government.
Agnès Uwimana and Saidati Mukakibibi, journalists writing for the newspaper Umurabyo,
who were arrested in 2010, remained in prison. After being sentenced in 2011 to 17 years
and 7 years, respectively, in connection with articles published in their newspaper, they
appealed the verdict. On April 5, the Supreme Court reduced their sentences to four and
three years, respectively. It upheld charges of endangering national security against both
women, and a charge of defamation against Uwimana. It dropped charges of minimization
of the 1994 genocide and divisionism against Uwimana.
In August, Stanley Gatera, editor of Umusingi newspaper, was arrested and charged with
discrimination and sectarianism in connection with an opinion article published in his
newspaper about marital stability and the problems posed, in the author's view, by the
supposed allure of Tutsi women. He was sentenced to one year's imprisonment in November.
In April, Epaphrodite Habarugira, an announcer at Radio Huguka, was arrested and
charged with genocide ideology after apparently mistakenly, during a news broadcast,
mixing up words when referring to survivors of the genocide. He spent three months in
prison before being acquitted in July. The state prosecutor appealed against his acquittal.
Idriss Gasana Byringiro, a journalist at The Chronicles newspaper, was abducted on June
15, questioned about his work and his newspaper, and released the next day. In the
following days, he received anonymous threats, warning him to abandon journalism. He
reported his abduction and threats to the police. On July 17, the police arrested him. Two
days later, he was presented at a press conference where he retracted his earlier
statements and claimed he had faked his own abduction. Initial information indicated he
may have been coerced into making this "confession." He was released on bail and was at
this writing awaiting trial for allegedly making a false statement to the police.
4
In June, Tusiime Annonciata of Flash FM radio was beaten unconscious by police and
security personnel outside parliament after they accused him of trying to enter a
parliamentary committee session without authorization.
Charles Ingabire, editor of the online newspaper Inyenyeri News and a vocal government
critic, was shot dead in the Ugandan capital Kampala on November 30, 2011. He had been
threatened in the months leading up to his death. Ugandan police stated they were
investigating the case, but no one was prosecuted for Ingabire's murder.
Civil Society
Independent civil society organizations remained weak due to years of state intimidation.
Few Rwandan organizations publicly denounced human rights violations. The Rwandan
government and pro-government media reacted in a hostile manner towards international
human rights organizations and attempted to discredit their work.
Genocide Ideology Law
In June, the Council of Ministers approved an amended version of the 2008 genocide
ideology law, which has been used to silence critics. At this writing, the revised law was
before parliament. The revised law contained improvements, in particular a narrower
definition of the offense and a reduction in prison sentences. However, it retained the
notion of "genocide ideology" as a criminal offense punishable by imprisonment and
contained vague language that could be used to criminalize free speech.
Justice for the Genocide
Community-based gacaca courts, which were set up to try genocide-related cases, closed
in June, after trying almost two million cases, according to government statistics.
In the first case to be transferred from the ICTR, Jean Bosco Uwinkindi was sent from
Arusha, Tanzania, to Rwanda in April to stand trial for genocide. Preliminary court hearings
took place in Kigali. The ICTR agreed to transfer seven other cases to Rwanda.
5
In January, academic and former government official Léon Mugesera was sent back to
Rwanda from Canada to face charges of planning of and incitement to genocide.
Preliminary court hearings took place in Kigali.
Court proceedings against Rwandan genocide suspects took place in several other
jurisdictions, including Canada, Norway, Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands.
Unlawful Detention and Torture
On January 13, the High Court in Kigali, ruling in the trial of 30 people accused of
involvement in grenade attacks in 2010, sentenced 22 defendants to prison terms ranging
from five years to life imprisonment, and acquitted eight defendants. The judges did not
take into account statements by several defendants that they had been detained
incommunicado in military custody and tortured.
Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa's brother, Lt-Col. Rugigana Ngabo, who was arrested in 2010
and held incommunicado in military custody for five months, was tried by a military court
behind closed doors and sentenced in July to nine years' imprisonment for endangering
state security and inciting violence. In response to a habeas corpus application by his
sister in 2010, the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) ruled in December 2011 that Ngabo's
incommunicado detention without trial had been illegal. The Rwandan government
appealed this decision, but it was upheld by the EACJ's appellate division in June.
Rwandan Military Involvement in the DRC
The Rwandan military provided support to the Congolese rebel group M23, which launched
a mutiny against the Congolese army in March. The M23 committed serious abuses in
eastern Congo, including killings of civilians, summary executions, rape, and forced
recruitment (see chapter on the DRC). In violation of the UN arms embargo on non-state
actors in eastern Congo, Rwandan military officials supplied the M23 with weapons,
ammunition, and new recruits, including children. Rwandan troops crossed into Congo to
assist the M23 in military operations, including a November offensive in which the M23
took control of the town of Goma. The Rwandan government denied any involvement in
supporting the M23.
6
Key International Actors
Several governments—including those of the United States, the United Kingdom,
Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands, Belgium, and the European Union—suspended or
delayed part of their assistance programs to Rwanda in response to Rwandan military
support to the M23. In September, the UK government resumed half the aid it had
suspended in July, despite continued Rwandan military backing for the M23. Expressions
of diplomatic concern intensified in November as the M23 took control of Goma.
In October, Rwanda was elected to the United Nations Security Council, raising concerns
about a conflict of interest in view of Rwanda's breaches of the UN arms embargo and the
involvement of its troops in Congo.

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.