The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

16 May 2014

Rwanda: Spate of Enforced Disappearances | Human Rights Watch


(Nairobi) – An increasing number of people have been forcibly disappeared or have been reported missing in Rwanda since March 2014. Many of the cases occurred in Rubavu district, in Western Province.

In some cases, the whereabouts of the people involved are still unknown several weeks later. Human Rights Watch has received information that some of the people who were forcibly disappeared were detained by Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) soldiers and believes they may be in military custody.

"Enforced disappearances are a heinous crime, not least because of the anguish and suffering they cause to family and friends," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "Rwandan police and judicial authorities have strict and absolute obligations to thoroughly investigate any case of enforced disappearance."

If the people who have been forcibly disappeared have been arrested, the authorities should immediately acknowledge their detention, reveal their whereabouts, and allow them access to their families and to a lawyer, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should either release those being held or inform them of the charges against them and bring them before a court.

Human Rights Watch collected detailed accounts of 14 people who have been forcibly disappeared or who have been reported missing in Rubavu since March and has received credible accounts of several more cases in Rubavu and Musanze districts, as well as in the capital, Kigali. In at least eight of the Rubavu cases, there were indications of involvement of state agents in the disappearances. Several witnesses said they saw the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, taking part in arrests of people who were forcibly disappeared.

Rwandan officials told Human Rights Watch that they were investigating the cases, but have not provided any information on the progress or results of their investigations.

The families of many of those who have been forcibly disappeared or gone missing have written to local and national authorities, asking that their loved ones' location be made public so that they can visit them. One received a response from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of the letter and saying they were looking into the case. The other family members who spoke to Human Rights Watch have not received any response. One woman said she had searched for her husband in vain and was giving up hope. "I have no idea where he is, I really don't," she told Human Rights Watch. "He is gone without a trace."

Information gathered by Human Rights Watch indicates that some of the people who have been forcibly disappeared may have been detained on suspicion of being members of, or working with, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda, FDLR). The predominantly Rwandan armed opposition group, based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, consists in part of people who participated in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Several of those who have been forcibly disappeared used to visit relatives or conduct business in Congo, and these movements appear to have attracted the suspicion of Rwandan authorities.

Rubavu's proximity to the Congolese town of Goma, just across the border, means that many Rwandans frequently cross the border for commercial activities. Others have relatives living in Congo.

Since 2010, Human Rights Watch has documented a number of cases of people accused of being FDLR members or collaborators, or charged with state security offenses, and who were detained incommunicado by the military and forced to confess to crimes, or implicate others, sometimes under torture. When they were eventually brought to trial, some of the defendants told the judges that their confessions had been extracted under torture. However, in many cases, the judges disregarded their claims and proceeded to convict them in the absence of any other evidence.

In view of the sensitivity of being associated with people suspected of links with the FDLR, the Rwandan government and police should ensure that relatives of the disappeared are not threatened or harmed for inquiring about their cases, Human Rights Watch said.

Civilians should not be detained in military custody, and all victims of enforced disappearances have a right to a remedy, Human Rights Watch said.

An enforced disappearance occurs when someone is deprived of their liberty by agents of the state or those acting with its acquiescence, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person.

"We are concerned that some of the people who have disappeared could face a similar fate to those accused of FDLR involvement or state security offenses in the past," Bekele said. "The Rwandan authorities should make every effort to locate these people."

For details about the circumstances of the disappearances, recommendations, and a summary of some of the cases Human Rights Watch investigated, please see below.

Involvement of Military and Local Government Officials
Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that they saw a local government official and RDF soldiers detaining some of those who have disappeared.

On April 16, two village chiefs, Elie Semajeri and Shamusi Umubyeyi, and a traditional doctor, Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, were detained in the Kabuga, Majengo, and Ihuriro neighborhoods of Gisenyi sector. Local residents said that soldiers, together with the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, detained these people near their homes. Witnesses also cited Mugisha in connection with other disappearances.

Mugisha told Human Rights Watch on May 8 that he had heard rumors of these accusations against him but said he did not understand them. He maintained that on April 16, he was in Ruhengeri, a town more than an hour away, visiting his sick mother, and said he did not learn that the two village chiefs had disappeared until April 18.

Yet six witnesses separately confirmed to Human Rights Watch that Mugisha was personally involved in the detentions on April 16. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that when local residents questioned the detention of Umubyeyi, Mugisha said he took responsibility for it and said: "We are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her." Similarly, Mugisha told a person close to Semajeri: "He has questions to answer and then we will release him."

The Rwandan Penal Code prohibits kidnapping and unlawful detention and specifies that it is an offense for public servants to be involved in acts violating individual liberty. Failure by public servants who are aware of an illegal deprivation of an individual's liberty to assist or to seek assistance from a competent authority to end it also constitutes an offense.

The Rwandan Penal Code states that any civil servant who puts or retains a person in detention without a legal order shall be liable to a term of imprisonment equivalent to the term incurred by the illegally detained person. An act of enforced disappearance is not yet defined as a crime under national law, although the Penal Code recognizes enforced disappearances as one of the acts that can constitute a crime against humanity.

Official Response
Human Rights Watch met with the District Police Commander of Rubavu District, Karangwa Murenge, on May 8. Murenge agreed that the number of reported cases of missing people had increased. He told Human Rights Watch: "I have seen the letters that have been dropped off here in which people say that they have loved ones missing. We are doing investigations. Just until now we can't say how this is happening. We are trying to figure out what is going on."

He disputed a list of 14 names presented by Human Rights Watch saying, "I really don't think this can be right. This is too many people." He said: "We are next to the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo]. Some people can leave for the DRC for days or weeks or even months and not tell others."

"If a soldier arrests a civilian, then he [the civilian] should immediately be sent to me," he said. "The military can never arrest a civilian."

On May 9, local and provincial officials held a public meeting at the football stadium in Gisenyi sector. Before this meeting, a rumor was circulating that the people who had been subject to enforced disappearance or were missing would be presented to the crowd.

This did not happen, but officials, including the governor of Western Province and the mayor of Rubavu, urged the population to reinforce local security efforts. A senior military official, Major General Mubarak Muganga, reportedly told the crowd that the RDF was detaining people who would later be presented to the public. He said these people had been detained because they collaborated with the FDLR and had confessed to this voluntarily.

Human Rights Watch raised cases of the disappeared and missing people with Brigadier General Joseph Nzabamwita, the spokesman for the RDF, on May 13. Responding to concerns that RDF soldiers may have been involved in unlawful detention, Nzabamwita said, "The RDF does not engage in such." He questioned the relevance of Major General Muganga's statement that the RDF was detaining people to reports of people subject to enforced disappearance.

Human Rights Watch also raised these cases with Justice Minister Johnston Busingye in an email on May 12. On May 13 Human Rights Watch met with Busingye, who said he would look into them.

The Law on Disappearances and Recommendations
The absolute prohibition on enforced disappearances is part of customary international law and is included as a crime in the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Multiple human rights instruments also address enforced disappearances. Rwanda has yet to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

Although a discrete crime in and of itself, the act of enforced disappearance has also long been recognized as simultaneously violating multiple human rights protections, including the prohibition of torture and freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention. An enforced disappearance is also a "continuing crime:" it continues to take place so long as the disappeared person remains missing, and information about his or her fate or whereabouts has not been provided.

An enforced disappearance has multiple victims. Those close to a disappeared person suffer anguish from not knowing the fate of the disappeared person, which amounts to inhuman and degrading treatment. They may also be further treated in an inhuman and degrading manner by authorities who fail to investigate or provide information on the whereabouts and fate of the disappeared person. These aspects make disappearances a particularly pernicious form of violation, and highlight the seriousness with which the authorities should take their obligations to prevent and remedy the crime.

The Rwandan government should ensure that:

-          All authorities who have received inquiries from families of people who have disappeared or are missing reply promptly, providing all known information on the whereabouts and fate of these people and on steps being taken to acquire such information if not readily available;

-          District and national authorities investigate all reported cases of enforced disappearances;

-          All those forcibly disappeared are immediately released or brought before a judge and any further custody is conducted in strict compliance with Rwandan and international law. Such custody should only be possible on the basis that the individual has been charged with a criminal offense, for which they will be promptly given a fair trial, with guarantees for absolute respect for their due process rights;

-          No information collected during the time the person was disappeared or that may have been acquired through torture or any other prohibited ill-treatment is allowed to be used as evidence in criminal proceedings, other than against those who engaged in any torture, ill-treatment or the act of enforced disappearance; and

-          All those involved in the acts of enforced disappearance are investigated and prosecuted under Rwandan law.  

Selection of cases of disappearances in Rubavu district March to May 2014

Anne-Marie Murekatete – Disappeared on March 18, 2014

Anne-Marie Murekatete, 27, is an intern at the health clinic in Gatyazo, in Nyamyumba sector. She studied nursing in Congo. On March 18, she was taken by men in a vehicle just outside the clinic where she worked.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was between 8:30 and 9 a.m. [and she was] dressed in her work clothes. She got a call from a girl she had studied with in Congo. I could hear the conversation. The caller said that Anne-Marie had to go outside. There was a vehicle parked there [and] two people were on the road. The men were in civilian clothes. The vehicle was a white pickup truck with tinted windows … As she was walking toward the truck, she was talking on the phone … One of the men said to her, 'Is it you [the caller] is looking for? She is in the vehicle, you can find her there.' As she got near the vehicle, the two men pushed her inside. They were walking behind her as she walked toward it and forced her inside. Then they sped off.

On April 14, a relative of Murekatete wrote letters to local government officials explaining what had happened and asking for help in finding her.

A relative inquired about her case in April at a regular district security meeting at which a member of the RDF addressed the local population. The RDF official responded: "If it is the enemy who took her, we will look for her. If she is with us, it is because there are things we need to ask her. We need to ask her questions and then we will release her."

Although the men described as detaining Murekatete were dressed as civilians, the white vehicle into which she was forced matches the description of other vehicles allegedly used by government forces and civilians to detain other disappeared people.

Elie Semajeri – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Elie Semajeri, 50, is the village chief of the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16 uniformed armed soldiers arrived at his home around 11:30 p.m., accompanied by men in civilian clothes. They told one of his children, "Go tell [Semajeri] we need him now."

An individual close to Semajeri who was near his home told Human Rights Watch:

Elie thought it had something to do with the neighborhood, so he got up and put on a jacket … [Another person] went outside and saw the soldiers walking Elie out of the compound. She then saw him try to resist and they [the soldiers] pushed him. She yelled, '[Semajeri] is being arrested!' [Others] ran outside and threw stones at neighbors' houses to tell everyone what was happening and to tell people to come outside…

I saw Honoré, the executive secretary, with the soldiers. The soldiers had their guns out and were pointing them up and down the street. Elie was being put into a vehicle and he yelled, 'Look! They are arresting me! They are taking me and I will die!' He was also crying. He yelled, 'All the neighbors must see this!' At this moment, they forced him into a vehicle. It was a white pickup truck.

Another witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 11 p.m. in the evening … I was in bed and all of a sudden, I heard a child crying, 'Get up! They are taking [him]!' I got up and opened the door. I saw soldiers… and men in civilian clothes. As I went outside, I saw Elie being taken by three men in civilian clothes. They told him to sit down and a soldier guarded him. There were many soldiers around. We all started to cry, 'No! You can't take him at night! He should stay here.' There were many people around. Elie was yelling, 'No! Don't arrest me! ... Leave me alone, I don't want to go!' We started to resist and the soldiers started to threaten us … A soldier pushed me to the ground. The soldiers scared the people back and they took Elie away in a white vehicle.

An individual close to Semajeri phoned Mugisha, the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, who said, "He [Semajeri] has questions to answer and then we will release him."

The next day, a relative of Semajeri went to Gisenyi police station to look for him. The police told her he was not there, and advised her that if he had been arrested by the military, she should check at the military camp.

On May 2 Semajeri's relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how he was arrested by soldiers in the presence of Mugisha. They have not received a response.

Shamusi Umubyeyi – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Shamusi Umubyeyi, approximately 45, is the village chief of the Ihuriro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16, when soldiers arrived near Semajeri's home (see above), one of Semajeri's relatives ran to Umubyeyi's home to inform her. As Umubyeyi was leaving, soldiers, accompanied by Mugisha, arrested her. Umubyeyi was last seen at a parking lot near the football stadium, where Mugisha and the soldiers had escorted her.

A local resident told Human Rights Watch:

We heard all the cries and we got up and went to look outside. People were running around yelling, 'Come! Come! [Elie Semajeri] is being arrested!' Shamusi got up in her night clothes and left her house. Near my house she stopped to talk to some local demobilized soldiers … At this moment the vehicle that took Elie came back. It was a white pickup truck. The executive secretary got out and approached me and asked where Shamusi was. His name is Honoré Mugisha.

He called Shamusi's phone and I heard him say, 'Come back, we need to see you.' She came [and] they greeted each other. Honoré said to her, 'You too. We are looking for you. If your conscience is clean, then come and explain yourself.' Shamusi said, 'I have no problems. I am here to see what has happened. I see you are a leader, so I will come.' Honoré was with three men in civilian clothes … and three soldiers who were armed. [As she was walked off, some people asked] Honoré, 'Who is arresting our neighbor?' He said, 'I am responsible. Go back to bed.'

Another local resident told Human Rights Watch, "When the military was taking Shamusi away, the population was crying out. Honoré got out of his truck and said to the population, 'No, stay calm, we are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her.'"

On April 25 relatives of Umubyeyi dropped off letters at local government offices explaining how she was arrested and requesting help in finding her. They have not received a response. When a person close to Umubyeyi inquired about her at the Division III military headquarters in Gisenyi, commonly known as "CEPGL," a military official told him, "If you continue to insist on following this case, you too could become a victim."

Hassani Bizimana – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
On April 16, a soldier arrested Hassani Bizimana, 44, in the Ubutabazi neighborhood in Gisenyi sector, as he was closing his shop. A witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 6 p.m. and he was closing the shop. All of a sudden, a soldier was there … I turned around and I saw Bizimana … He said, 'This soldier is saying they are going to take me somewhere.' He yelled, 'People! Look, the military are taking me somewhere! If you can't find me, know that it was them who took me!' I approached the soldier and tried to see his name, but the tag on his uniform had been removed. People started to approach, so the soldier said to Hassani, 'Ok, let's go.' Someone yelled, 'What has he done?' The soldier said, 'The people in charge of intelligence told me to take him.'

Another witness confirmed this, telling Human Rights Watch that he saw a soldier with a gun walking away with Bizimana and heard Bizimana shout out that he was being arrested.

An individual close to Bizimana went to the police station the same night to look for him, but the police told him that those arrested by the military were taken to a military base commonly known as the "gendarmerie," near the border with Congo.

The next morning he went to the "gendarmerie." Soldiers there asked him, "Who said he was arrested by the military? Is everyone in a uniform a soldier?"

On May 2 a relative of Bizimana dropped off letters to local government and police offices reporting Bizimana's detention by a soldier and requesting that his location be revealed. There has been no response.

Jean-Bosco Bizimungu – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, 51, is a traditional doctor who lives in the Kabuga neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He often visited Congo as he had family there. Witnesses said that the executive secretary of the sector, accompanied by soldiers, detained him on April 16. One of them told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 1:30 a.m. when the executive secretary accompanied by the military went to his house. The executive secretary is named Honoré Mugisha. They knocked on the door and yelled, 'Get up and open this door!' Bizimungu opened the door and they said, 'We have a man with a sick stomach. We want you to care for him.' Bizimungu asked, 'Where is he?' They said, 'You must come' and they wanted to take him. Bizimungu said, 'I am not leaving my house. Bring him here.' Then the soldiers entered by force and they took him … There were six soldiers in uniform. They walked Bizimungu to the stadium where they had vehicles waiting.

Other witnesses also told Human Rights Watch they saw soldiers walking Bizimungu to the stadium.

The next morning a relative of Bizimungu's went to the village chief to explain what had happened. The chief said, "You were not the only one with this problem last night. You should go look at the police." The relative was not able to find Bizimungu at the police station.

Alphonse Butsitsi – Disappeared on April 22, 2014
Alphonse Butsitsi, 78, is well known locally, due to his age and outgoing personality. He lives in the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He was detained in town on April 22.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:

I was walking home with other people. A vehicle with Congo plates, a white pickup truck with tinted windows, passed me and parked in front of the Baptist church. Some men got out onto the road. There were three men in civilian clothes and one in a soldier's uniform. The soldier was not armed. Butsitsi was on his bike. One of them called him. He went to them and they told him to get into the car. He agreed and they put the bike in the back of the truck.

The vehicle then sped off. Butsitsi has not been seen since.

The day he disappeared, Butsitsi's relatives checked the local police cells but he was not there. On April 23 and 25, his relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how Butsitsi was detained and requesting assistance in finding him. They later received a letter from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of their letter and saying they were looking into the case.

Individuals close to Butsitsi also inquired about him at the Division III military headquarters. They were not able to make direct inquiries to officers, but soldiers at the base asked them, "Does [Butsitsi] go to the DRC often?"

Virginie Uwamahoro – Disappeared on April 23, 2014
Virginie Uwamahoro, 38, is the director of a primary school in Gisenyi sector. She studied in Goma (eastern Congo), completing her degree in 2013.

On April 23 Uwamahoro was returning from a meeting in Kigali. Before arriving in Gisenyi, she called an individual close to her and said that Mugisha was looking for her, so she had to see him first. She never returned home.

An individual close to Uwamahoro asked Mugisha where she was. He said: "I asked [Mugisha] 'Where is she and how can I see her?' He said, 'No, stay calm.' But I insisted. I wanted to know where she was and he said, 'I can't tell you because if I reveal secrets, I risk consequences.' He did tell me, though, that she had been arrested at the bus station in Gisenyi." The person inquired at the police but the police simply told him to wait.

On April 25, April 29, and May 2, a relative of Uwamahoro wrote letters explaining to local officials that she was missing and asking them to reveal her location. There has been no response.

Selemane Harerimana – Disappeared on April 30, 2014
Selemane Harerimana, 38, works as a mason in Rubavu district and in the town of Goma, eastern Congo. He lives in the Amahoro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector.

On April 30 Harerimana left his home in the morning as usual. Later that morning he called a friend and told him he was being detained. He said he was going to be taken to the "gendarmerie" in the vehicle of the executive secretary. His friend went directly to the "gendarmerie" to look for him. He told Human Rights Watch:

They would not let me in, but I saw the vehicle of the executive secretary there. I stayed outside and watched as Selemane was put into a white pickup truck … I followed the truck to "CEPGL" but I could not get in. After seeing the truck go into "CEPGL", I decided to ask the people there. [They said] 'He was in the DRC a lot, so we arrested him to see what he does and to see if he collaborates with the FDLR.'

 

No comments:

Post a Comment

Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Jobs

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.