The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Sep 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Why Africa Is Becoming More Accessible for Investors

 

Why Africa Is Becoming More Accessible for Investors
 
More:
 
 

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29 Sep 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 

"It is clear to me, that there is something the US government and Rwandan authorities have in common, about the 1994 hell over Rwanda.  It has nothing to do with justice. And it is what accounts for the deportation of Prof Munyakazi", Celestin Nsengiyumva.

I totally agree with you.


From: Nsengiyumva Celestin <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr>
To: "uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com>; Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Sent: Tuesday, September 29, 2015 8:43 AM
Subject: Re: [uRwanda_rwacu] Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

Something is amiss. If there is no ethnic divide [official government policy; Prof Munyakazi, Father Nahimana], then there was no genocide. It was some sort of national madness. In that case, even the government of Rwanda, while prosecuting genocide deniers, is itself in a situation of genocide denial.   And now, Prof Munyakazi is facing a situation of justice denial.
It is clear to me, that there is something the US government and Rwandan authorities have in common, about the 1994 hell over Rwanda.  It has nothing to do with justice.And it is what accounts for the deportation of Prof Munyakazi.
 


Le Lundi 28 septembre 2015 22h28, "Nzinink nzinink@yahoo.com [uRwanda_rwacu]" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com> a écrit :


 

Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

Submitted by Ann Garrison on Sat, 09/26/2015 - 21:09

    00:00
    05:18
    alt
     
    KPFA Weekend News, 09.26.2015
    Dr. Léopold Munyakazi has been denied an emergency stay of his extradition to Rwanda. Father Thomas Nahima says that this is unjust because Dr. Munyakazi has committed no crime.
    Transcript: 
    KPFA Weekend News Anchor Sharon Sobotta: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi is in the custody of ICE, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, altDr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Gaucher collegein Miami, Florida, where he is on the verge of being deported to Rwanda for alleged crimes related to the 1994 massacres that came to be known as the Rwandan Genocide. This week a court denied his request for an emergency stay so that he could complete the appeals process.
     
    The Rwandan government accused Professor Munyakazi of genocide crime after he made several speeches to university audiences in which he said that the Rwandan massacres were not genocide but class conflict.
     
    KPFA's Ann Garrison spoke to Father Thomas Nahimana about the Munyakazi case. Nahimana is a Catholic priest who plans to return from France to Rwanda in 2016 to challenge incumbent President Paul Kagame in the 2017 election.
     
    KPFA/Ann Garrison: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Goucher College, is close to being deported from the U.S., back to Rwanda, for giving several speeches in which he described the massacres as class conflict, not ethnic conflict. He said that Rwandans are the same people, speaking the same language and sharing the same culture. So the Hutu Tutsi conflict was really a class divide, not an ethnic divide. What do you think of that?
     
    Father Thomas Nahimana: Yes. I think that I agree with Munyakazi. I agree very much with him. And the division between Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a matter of blood. It is a matter of political and social interests only.
     
    But this is not a sin. This is not a crime. I don't understand why America accepts that Munyakazi has to face the problem that he is facing nowadays. 
     
    This is analysis which is good, which is good about our society. 
     
    KPFA: Well, when I began to try to understand this, I thought, "You speak the same language. You have the same culture. How am I supposed to understand this Hutu Tutsi divide as ethnic?" 
     
    Nahimana: Yes. The reality is that in our country, we are one people. Yes, we speak the same language. We marry each other, and the problems rise only when there is power to share. The international community must know that really, Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a problem of blood. It is only a problem of economic and political interests only. 
     
    KPFA: That would be a really radical change in the way the world thinks about Rwanda because we're commonly told that the U.S. needs to go to war, as in Libya or Syria, to stop genocide, as we failed to in Rwanda. Could you comment on that? 
     
    Nahimana: I think the problem of Rwandan Genocide is always complicated because the genocide happened when there was a civil war since four years. So, there was a part who wanted to win the war and to take power. And that part was RPF led by Paul Kagame. They didn't want anyone to intervene to stop that. That's true. They wanted to take power. The international community hasn't any fault. I can say that because we know, by history, that RPF wrote letters to the UN saying that they didn't want anybody to intervene.
     
    When they talk about genocide, they speak only about what happened in the part that was governed by the former government of Habyarimana, but they never talk about what was happening in the part where it was RPF. 
     
    KPFA: OK, you're talking about the areas that were RPF territory. The violence and atrocities that took place in territory controlled by the RPF - the winners - that's not reported. 
     
    Nahimana: Yes, and we are asking ourselves why the international community continues to keep a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the RPF, and that is a big problem for reconciliation in Rwanda.
     
    KPFA: And that was Father Thomas Nahimana speaking about the extradition case of former Goucher College French professor Dr. Léopold Munyakazi. Munyakazi's lawyer and supporters say that he will not recant his description of the Rwandan massacres as a class conflict because too many lives in the African Great Lakes Region depend on truth being told.

    For PacificaKPFA and AfrobeatRadio, I'm Ann Garrison. 
     


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    I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
    The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
    When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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    [AfricaRealities.com] Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

     

    Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

    Submitted by Ann Garrison on Sat, 09/26/2015 - 21:09

     

    KPFA Weekend News, 09.26.2015

    Dr. Léopold Munyakazi has been denied an emergency stay of his extradition to Rwanda. Father Thomas Nahima says that this is unjust because Dr. Munyakazi has committed no crime.

    Transcript: 
    KPFA Weekend News Anchor Sharon Sobotta: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi is in the custody of ICE, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Dr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Gaucher collegein Miami, Florida, where he is on the verge of being deported to Rwanda for alleged crimes related to the 1994 massacres that came to be known as the Rwandan Genocide. This week a court denied his request for an emergency stay so that he could complete the appeals process.
     
    The Rwandan government accused Professor Munyakazi of genocide crime after he made several speeches to university audiences in which he said that the Rwandan massacres were not genocide but class conflict.
     
    KPFA's Ann Garrison spoke to Father Thomas Nahimana about the Munyakazi case. Nahimana is a Catholic priest who plans to return from France to Rwanda in 2016 to challenge incumbent President Paul Kagame in the 2017 election.
     
    KPFA/Ann Garrison: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Goucher College, is close to being deported from the U.S., back to Rwanda, for giving several speeches in which he described the massacres as class conflict, not ethnic conflict. He said that Rwandans are the same people, speaking the same language and sharing the same culture. So the Hutu Tutsi conflict was really a class divide, not an ethnic divide. What do you think of that?
     
    Father Thomas Nahimana: Yes. I think that I agree with Munyakazi. I agree very much with him. And the division between Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a matter of blood. It is a matter of political and social interests only.
     
    But this is not a sin. This is not a crime. I don't understand why America accepts that Munyakazi has to face the problem that he is facing nowadays. 
     
    This is analysis which is good, which is good about our society. 
     
    KPFA: Well, when I began to try to understand this, I thought, "You speak the same language. You have the same culture. How am I supposed to understand this Hutu Tutsi divide as ethnic?" 
     
    Nahimana: Yes. The reality is that in our country, we are one people. Yes, we speak the same language. We marry each other, and the problems rise only when there is power to share. The international community must know that really, Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a problem of blood. It is only a problem of economic and political interests only. 
     
    KPFA: That would be a really radical change in the way the world thinks about Rwanda because we're commonly told that the U.S. needs to go to war, as in Libya or Syria, to stop genocide, as we failed to in Rwanda. Could you comment on that? 
     
    Nahimana: I think the problem of Rwandan Genocide is always complicated because the genocide happened when there was a civil war since four years. So, there was a part who wanted to win the war and to take power. And that part was RPF led by Paul Kagame. They didn't want anyone to intervene to stop that. That's true. They wanted to take power. The international community hasn't any fault. I can say that because we know, by history, that RPF wrote letters to the UN saying that they didn't want anybody to intervene.
     
    When they talk about genocide, they speak only about what happened in the part that was governed by the former government of Habyarimana, but they never talk about what was happening in the part where it was RPF. 
     
    KPFA: OK, you're talking about the areas that were RPF territory. The violence and atrocities that took place in territory controlled by the RPF - the winners - that's not reported. 
     
    Nahimana: Yes, and we are asking ourselves why the international community continues to keep a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the RPF, and that is a big problem for reconciliation in Rwanda.
     
    KPFA: And that was Father Thomas Nahimana speaking about the extradition case of former Goucher College French professor Dr. Léopold Munyakazi. Munyakazi's lawyer and supporters say that he will not recant his description of the Rwandan massacres as a class conflict because too many lives in the African Great Lakes Region depend on truth being told.

    For PacificaKPFA and AfrobeatRadio, I'm Ann Garrison. 
     


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    "Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
    ###

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    I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
    The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
    When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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    28 Sep 2015

    [AfricaRealities.com] ICGLR to send mission to defuse Burundi, Rwanda tension

     


    ICGLR to send mission to defuse Burundi, Rwanda tension

    Posted on: 28/09/2015 08:32:19


    The Council of Ministers of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) has agreed to send a verification mission to Burundi and Rwanda to assess the reasons causes of tension between the two countries regarding the violation of the organisation's security pact, reports the Angolan Press Agency (APA)

    According to APA, the decision to send the fact-finding mission was reached during a meeting of the ICGLR ministers held on the sidelines of the ongoing 70th Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

    Angolan Foreign Affairs Minister Georges Chikoti, who chairs the ICGLR Council of Ministers, said the meeting discussed mainly the tension between Rwanda and Burundi.

    He revealed that Burundi blames the forces or elements who sought shelter in Rwanda for causing trouble in its territory in violation of the pact on security, stability and development in the Great Lakes region.

    He said the ministers called on Rwanda to cease supporting the Burundi rebels.

    The minister also said that Burundi authorities have informed on the progress already achieved in their country, including the elections, the government of national reconciliation and creation of a commission to allow a debate on the issue of peace and stability.

    @imirasire



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    When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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    25 Sep 2015

    [AfricaRealities.com] Terror as Method: A Journalist’s Search for Truth in Rwanda | Foreign Policy Journal

     


    Terror as Method: A Journalist's Search for Truth in Rwanda


    by       September 25, 2015 No Comments

    Intimidated for exposing the dark secrets of an African regime out of control, Canadian journalist Judi Rever drew the line at having the life of her own children threatened.
    President of Rwanda Paul Kagame at the World Economic Forum in Cape Town, South Africa, June 11, 2009 (Matthew Jordaan/WEF)
    President of Rwanda Paul Kagame at the World Economic Forum in Cape Town, South Africa, June 11, 2009 (Matthew Jordaan/WEF)

    Night was falling when Judi Rever got to her hotel in downtown Brussels in July 2014. In the dimming light, the Canadian journalist was able to make out two Mercedes—both black, one clearly armored—parked so close to the entrance that she pictured some celebrity holding court at the Novotel, and cursed her luck.
    But the lobby was clear and there was no line at the reception. The reporter gave her name, handed her passport, and watched the receptionist rise slowly to his feet. "Welcome to the Novotel," he said, "We've been waiting for you."
    Next, Rever saw a man in a dark blue suit approach. Laying a faintly cologned hand on her shoulder, he whispered: "Judi Rever?" Stunned, the journalist nodded. "My name is Denis Ledure. I am the head of the Close Protection Services," a branch of the Belgian Secret Service "I am here because we have reason to believe that the Rwandan Embassy in Brussels constitutes a threat to your security."
    What followed was the confirmation of every scrap of journalism Rever ever put together on Rwanda, a speck of a country associated with brave recovery from genocide but, to the reporter's expert reckoning, the single most sinister military dictatorship in Africa instead.

    Whispers of a Double Genocide


    Rwanda was the reason Rever was in Brussels to begin with. Half a century after Belgium's exit from the African colonial scene, Brussels was still a natural destination for Rwandans with money. Some of them were happy laying low in the suburbs, but others were sufficiently unhappy to stick their neck out and point Rever in the direction of a story or two. Nothing big: an inconvenient truth here, a blossoming scandal there. But as Rever's reputation began to grow, the quality and the level of the information changed, and the reporter found herself tapping into a vein whose existence she had stumbled into years prior as a novice.

    "War crimes," she says, "Horrible atrocities. Huge numbers of unarmed civilians killed," by the very people credited with suffering the genocide of 1994 and putting an end to it before rolling up their sleeves and rebuilding the country from the ground up—all in a feat of self-abnegation comparable to the Jews putting Germany back together after the Holocaust.
    That these people might be collecting public praise one minute and gunning down entire populations the next seemed implausible at first. The genocide had produced a set category of victims, the Tutsi ethnic minority, just as it had produced a set category of perpetrators, the Hutu ethnic majority. In a reversal of circumstance that had the world practically weeping with relief, the Tutsi were now in power, having just escaped mass murder, yet keen to move past it.
    "
    But everywhere Rever turned, she ran smack into a mirror reality, a shadow field in which the victims had killed just like the executioners."

    But everywhere Rever turned, she ran smack into a mirror reality, a shadow field in which the victims had killed just like the executioners. The Tutsi, it seemed, had dropped their fellow humans as fast as the Hutu, only at different times and in different places. It looked as if two types of killing had gone on at the same time: one in the public eye, the other away from it; the first recognized and reviled, the second unseen, unheard, untold.
    In the first type—the type that got the Turnley brothers of Magnum repute scrambling to the same corner of the world—the Hutu had massacred the Tutsi in acts of collective folly so beyond the pale that western reporters stopped trying to make sense of them, conjuring ancient tribal hatreds instead.
    The second type was different only in two respects: how organized it was, and how few people knew about it.
    Rever was part of a virtual cabal, the vast majority of them scholars. As far as the general public was concerned, Rwanda was a success story, one well worth financing although the tab was far from cheap. At close to a billion dollars in aid a year, the central African nation was in a recipient class of its own, well ahead any other African country in terms of dollars per capita.
    On the surface of it, the return on the investment had been solid. Rwanda had posted growth rates of seven percent. Literacy rated had soared, infant mortality rates had plummeted, and fertility rates had been cut in half. The government offered universal health coverage. Kigali, the capital, had acquired a distinctly un-African feel. With its perfectly manicured lawns, its noise-levels regulated by law, it could, pass for Geneva on a hot day.
    But a growing number of scholars and of economists warned that beneath the facade, progress had been minimal, that some of the numbers did not add up, and that in the villages people were just as poor as before. Yet every year, as a sort of mea culpa for the genocide no one did a thing to stop, donors kept sending money with no strings attached.
    This lack of accountability, says Rever, made Rwanda "one of the world's most expensive mistakes." Out of obstinacy, nerve, and the most admirable of all journalistic traits—inexhaustible moral indignation—she'd kept digging, and publishing.

    The Rwandan Patriotic Front


    Rwanda is exactly the size of Maryland, a microbe on the African map. Rever's notions of it, when she acquired them, bypassed the place entirely. Unlike most high school kids, she had actually read Conrad's Heart of Darkness. Later, out of curiosity, she'd looked Congo up on a map and she'd seen Rwanda pushed up against it like an insect to an elephant. She had seen that it produced coffee. And tea. Bananas, too.
    Over time, she picked up a couple of other significant facts. The country had one of the highest population densities in the world and poverty so extreme that only an act of God was judged capable—by common dictum—of lifting it. It had an eighty-five percent Hutu majority historically indentured to a fifteen percent Tutsi minority. The relationship had been reversed at independence, in 1962, when the Hutu exercised the right to vote for the first time.
    Numbers don't lie: the day the polls closed, Rwanda became a Hutu nation. The bottommost Tutsi stayed put. Those that could, however, got out. The richest went to Belgium, France, francophone Canada; the rest settled directly across the border in Burundi, Tanzania, Congo and, most significantly, Uganda. A single generation later—in what remains the shortest incubation period of any armed repatriation effort—the sons of the Ugandan group showed up at the border with guns.
    At the time of the genocide, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) had been in Rwanda for over three years. To the outside world, they were Tutsi, just like the bodies piling up in churches and schools were Tutsi. In reality, the two were like night and day. The former were rich, comparatively speaking; the latter poor. The former had degrees; the latter were illiterate. The former had come to Rwanda to fight; the latter just wanted to be left in peace. To the media, the RPF professed the desire to share power with the Hutu.
    In private communications Rever was able to track, the group betrayed the determination to regain what the older generation had lost: power, at all costs.

    The Assassination of President Habyarimana


    Not only had Rever never heard of the RPF when it invaded Rwanda in October of 1990, knifing a lone guardsman and gunning for the capital Kigali, she'd never met anyone who had. In that, she was like ninety nine percent of the world's population. She remained blissfully unaware of the group's existence for the next four years, a fact that allowed her to remain correspondingly clueless about their progress on the ground.
    Later she learned that in three-plus years of fighting, the RPF had cut off a major road to the capital, freed the inmates in the town of Ruhengeri, snuck up on the regular army from behind, occupied some territory and lost it, but that their real accomplishment had been to send an impressive bunch of fast-talkers to round after round of peace talks with the Hutu in Arusha, Tanzania.
    By common, if reluctant, consensus, brain-power is not in short supply in the RPF. Professor Alan Kuperman of the University of Texas at Austin refers to the top echelon of the RPF as "the smartest bunch of people I have ever met." No longer a fan of the group, whose leadership he interviewed at length in the immediate aftermath of the genocide, Kuperman cannot help concede that "they are smarter and more articulate than anyone in Washington."
    When push came to shove, the RPF's ability to talk itself out of a military impasse produced the most extraordinary of all results: a power-sharing agreement in which a group representative of a fifteen percent minority netted forty percent of all army posts. The agreement was signed to general applause in August of 1993, a UN force 2,500 strong dispatched to implement it.
    Then, on April 6, 1994, as Rever shared a meal with the man who would become her husband, the president of Rwanda was blown out of the sky by a surface-to-air missile that tore through the fuselage of his private jet as it came in for landing in Kigali.
    "
    Hutu and Tutsi were carded and separated—the first to live, the second to die."

    Juvenal Habyarimana wasn't just the president: he was the physical embodiment of Hutu emancipation from Tutsi rule. Tall, broad, brash, he was the proud son of one of three ancient Hutu principalities that had held their own against the Tutsi. In the eyes of a nervous majority, he was the last effective barrier against the Tutsi menace. With him gone, every bit of propaganda served up by Hutu extremists bore its fruit. Barricades went up in Kigali within minutes of the plane crash. Hutu and Tutsi were carded and separated—the first to live, the second to die.

    A Journalist on the Trail


    Rever was in Paris between jobs with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC). Radio France Internationale was spitting out reports 24/7. "I was getting half the story but I did not know it," she says. The other half took her another twenty years to nail.
    First, she says, she had to "wake up to the nature of the group" by witnessing scenes of extreme brutality in Rwandan occupied Zaire in 1997.
    Next, she had to suffer severe intimidation, like having her bedroom window strafed by gunfire after she filed a radio report accusing the RPF of straight-up butchery from Kisangani, a town in Zaire solidly under RPF control.
    Finally, she had to translate her understanding of what she calls "a bunch of criminals" into hard evidence of wrongdoing. She was at the Novotel in Brussels to do just that.

    Enter Kagame


    As Rever herself admits, the numbers never interested her. Scholars like Kuperman have long insisted on an equivalency, suggesting that the half a million killed in the genocide of the Tutsi matches the half million Hutu murdered by the RPF in secrecy. But as soon as Rever heard the term "double-genocide", she left the numbers to the academics and went after "eye-witness testimony, by which I mean people who were present and could describe who did what to whom and when."
    Her sources never wavered on the subject. Without fail and without exception, they pointed to the same high-ranking, high-flying, stylishly attired, and, for the most part, strikingly good-looking members of the RPF, now in the government or the army. On paper, the two consortiums were separate. In reality, they converged as inexorably as the sides of a triangle.
    "
    Perched at the very top of the pyramid was none other than the man that Tony Blair and Bill Clinton had tripped over themselves to introduce at black-tie events in Aspen and Davos: Paul Kagame…"

    Perched at the very top of the pyramid was none other than the man that Tony Blair and Bill Clinton had tripped over themselves to introduce at black-tie events in Aspen and Davos: Paul Kagame, the skeletal army general whose metabolism was assumed to be formidable until his aides had to admit he had no taste for food.
    Kagame's alleged appearance at the site of one of the earliest massacres—a deliberate affair culminating in the strafing of a crowd in a stadium in Byumba, a town twenty miles north of Kigali—was the central piece of a puzzle Rever had been trying to solve for years. The reporter had six interviews lined up in Brussels the day she got there. One of them had to do with Byumba.

    The Bodyguard


    Byumba is a typical Rwandan town, consisting of a couple dozen shops built out of cold concrete on either side of the road snaking north from Kigali. All around it, though, is what the Rwandans call 'the beloved land': a vision of endlessly receding hills, of blazing greens and reds, of morning mist so thick it snakes up the tallest trees, festooning God's own sleeping quarters, or so the saying goes. At any elevation, the sight is heart-stopping.
    In Byumba, by contrast, beauty is very much in the eye of the beholder. The road—paved and passable—is the town's main distinguishing feature, along with a wheat processing plant and a stadium, a sad-looking enclosure the length of a single soccer field.
    In the stadium, on the night between the 24th and the 25th of April 1994, the RPF staged its first large-scale massacre. By the estimate of Human Rights Watch, which published the first mention of it in 1999, it was a large operation, one targeting "several hundred" Hutu.
    The numbers have since been revised by a factor of ten. A commonly accepted estimate is now in the range of several thousand Hutu, all of whom were supposed to be dead by sunrise.
    Very unusually for a piece of machinery as slick as the RPF, Rever learned, something went wrong. Almost certainly there weren't enough people for the job. Whatever the reason, enough Hutu were still alive by sunrise for the operation to risk slipping into chaos.
    "
    …it took nothing short of an unscheduled appearance by Kagame to get things back on track."

    Fear ran like raw voltage up the command chain. On that occasion, and on that occasion alone, it took nothing short of an unscheduled appearance by Kagame to get things back on track.
    Rever knew that Kagame's policy vis-à-vis the massacres typically involved "driving to the other side of the country". She knew that no other mass killing had seen the shadow of the man. This made Byumba "the only mass murder traceable to him", she says. "For two reasons: first, because he was seen outside the stadium the day after the massacre by anywhere between fifty to sixty of his men"; and, second, because when some survivors were found attempting an improbable escape on all fours, his bodyguards heard him say, "Finish them off. And clean this up."
    Rever had this particular piece of information from one of Kagame's bodyguards, a man who had reinvented himself radically and now lived a quiet life in North America. He'd been with Kagame during the RPF's initial takeover of Byumba. He'd also been at the boss's side on the night of the massacre, so he didn't have much useful information to relay in terms of who organized what or when. The bodyguard did say that the private homes closest to the stadium had been taken over by teams of eight men each assigned on rotation to the massacre. But, he said, he was personally not involved, having been stationed with the other bodyguards—and of course Kagame himself—in a home about two miles away.
    As the bodyguard told it, one of the men on his detail had a reputation as a good football player. "Don't worry," Kagame assured the player upon arrival, "There will be a lot more room to play football when we're done here."
    Rever needed more—hence her trip to Brussels.

    The Diplomat


    Rever did not know it but her travel plans, when she made them, weren't exactly top secret. Her itinerary had been discussed in conversations to and from the Rwandan embassy in Brussels while Belgian intelligence was listening. But according to one of Rever's sources, Belgian intelligence took no action until a very specific exchange involving a former Rwandan diplomat was intercepted.
    The diplomat, Didier Rutembesa, had been kicked out of South Africa in the wake of the sensational murder of Patrick Karegeya, a Rwandan spymaster turned opposition leader, in January of 2014. After finding Karegeya's body in a Johannesburg hotel, the South African government gave Rutembesa forty-eight hours to leave the country. Shortly thereafter, the Belgian foreign ministry denied him diplomatic accreditation.
    "
    … Rutembesa was overheard telling a Rwandan operative in Belgium that he could be counted on to "lay a trap" for Rever upon her arrival in Brussels."

    Then, one day, according to a high-profile Rwandan dissident monitored by Belgian intelligence whom Rever spoke with, Rutembesa was overheard telling a Rwandan operative in Belgium that he could be counted on to "lay a trap" for Rever upon her arrival in Brussels.
    Unable to denounce the man's intentions publicly or even privately, the Belgians put Ledure on the case. (A spokesman for Belgium's civil intelligence and security service, the VSSE [Veligheid van de staat], stated that the department was not in a position to comment and could "neither confirm nor deny" that Rever had been placed under protection.)

    The Security Contract


    The threat level to Rever had been rated "severe"—a level 3 of a possible 4. "This is all I am allowed to share with you," Ledure told Rever before plucking a contract out of thin air and laying it out on the coffee table for her to sign.
    Fighting the urge to call her husband with a hysterical plea to locate their two girls, ages 12 and 7, Rever picked up the piece of paper and read it. In two paragraphs flat, the Kingdom of Belgium placed an armored vehicle and the same bodyguard assigned to Salman Rushdie at her disposal for the entire duration of her stay. The bodyguard would precede Rever everywhere she went. He would also spend the night in the room next door, ready to jump at the slightest noise. If Rever chose to reject the terms of the contract to protect the anonymity of her sources, the Kingdom of Belgium would understand. It would let her carry on with her work while finding itself "absolved of all legal responsibilities".
    Ledure, a man with a full head of white hair and "unusually empathetic eyes", says Rever, stood up to stretch his legs. Watching him cross the lobby of the hotel, the reporter was overcome by two distinct emotions: fear, principally, but also guilt on a level she had never experienced before.
    "It was my husband," she says.
    A scientist naturally inclined to caution, Rever's spouse had endured years of quixotic pursuits on the part of his wife. He had watched her return from the newly renamed Democratic Republic of Congo at the beginning of their marriage with raging post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Two children and countless memories later, he had come home to find her putting the finishing touches on a story in which she accused none other than Patrick Nyamvumba, a Rwandan general at the head of the United Nation's force in Darfur, of murdering thousands of Hutu civilians in the shadow of the genocide.
    Five days later, he'd found himself shopping around for a state of the art alarm system. Someone had called the home phone and left a message simulating gunfire. In between rounds, the voice of a stranger asked: "Do you want to know my name? I'll tell you my name…."
    It was the name of their youngest daughter.

    To Brussels


    The Montreal police officer who responded to Rever's panicked call that night had never heard of Rwanda either, other than in hazy connection to the genocide. "She kept asking me which Rwandan made the call," says Rever, "I kept telling her I did not know."
    It was only a matter of time before the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, which offered no comment on this story, got involved. According to Rever, a federal member of parliament weighed in, too, and the municipal police took on periodic patrol duty around Rever's house. New routines were put in place for both girls, with Rever's youngest smuggled in and out of separate entrances at school.
    Eventually things settled down. No more calls were received, no more messages left. Spring turned to summer and the tension in the household began to lift. Then, out of the blue, Rever announced she was headed to Brussels. Her piece on Nyamvumba had had a measurable effect. All sorts of people were paying attention now. None of them had any intention of talking on the phone but some considered meeting with her in person in Brussels.
    One of them claimed to be a former member of the RPF's High Command battalion.
    High Command defectors were like great white sharks, you simply didn't run into them. They were either six feet under or long gone. But Rever had been told about his older sister, Esperance Mukashema, a polyglot who had fled Rwanda after denouncing the murder of the archbishop of Kigali by RPF troops and now lived in the Netherlands. Rever had heard of the family, too. They were well-connected Tutsi urbanites that had prospered under Habyarimana despite their ethnicity. They owned a football club in Kigali. The youngest of the bunch, Theo, had made the national team. He had been expected to go to university but he had broken his father's heart and joined the RPF when they'd first crossed the border from Uganda. He'd fought at Kagame's side for over a decade, stationed first in Mulindi, the abandoned tea planation that served as the RPF's headquarters, then just about everywhere else. He'd fled Rwanda in 2001, after being called into Jack Nziza's office.
    Nziza was the most feared man in Rwanda by then, cause for greater alarm than Kagame himself. Just as skeletal, just as ashen, with a lazy eye and a propensity toward long, debilitating silences, Nziza had been in charge of internal security from the very beginning and had survived purge after purge only by doing the purging himself. At the end of what seemed a casual conversation but wasn't, Theo realized he was being shadowed.
    He had voiced quite a few doubts by then. "Interior Tutsi" such as himself, while absolutely critical when the RPF was militarily outnumbered, were being marginalized with increasing nonchalance. As he told Rever, "when all was said and done, I stood face to face with the fact that we had been sacrificed as a group," not only in the genocide, whose victims were for the most part "interior Tutsi" who had never left Rwanda, but in every political and administrative decision made since.
    The country belonged to a very specific sub-category of Tutsi: anglophones from Uganda at the top, anglophones returned from Canada or the United States just below that. Francophones returned from Burundi were slowly making their way up largely thanks to Kagame's wife, Jeanette, who was born and raised in Burundi. The rest were little more than a nuisance.
    "
    Having witnessed no less than a dozen disappearances in his time, Theo had made a few quick arrangements for his family and gotten out through Burundi."

    Having witnessed no less than a dozen disappearances in his time, Theo had made a few quick arrangements for his family and gotten out through Burundi. He now lived in Spain, but he would make the effort to meet with Rever in Brussels.
    With her husband pacing nervously behind her, she had packed her bags. Now, here she was, in Brussels, staring at the guy the Belgians called when Salman Rushdie came to town. With a sigh, she signed the contract and gave it to Ledure. The following morning, when her husband rang, Rever gave new meaning to the word "omission".

    Theo


    Theo Murwanashyaka was strangely fluid in body when Rever met him, curiously comfortable in a plain white T-shirt, worn jeans and white baseball cap. She'd forgotten that he'd been a professional football player. She'd also forgotten that he had been in Europe for over half a decade. They met at a hotel and he laid out his credentials for her.
    He had provided testimony for Jean Louis Bruguiere, the French special prosecutor who indicted Kagame for the downing of Habyarimana's plane. "When Kagame took the decision to kill Habyarimana," he told Rever, "he made the decision to sacrifice our parents, our brothers and sisters."
    The mystery of Habyarimana's assassination has never been solved, but scholars like Filip Reyntjens, the leading authority on modern Rwanda, believe the blame lies with the RPF, which profited from the chaos unleashed by the genocide and captured Kigali.
    Theo also provided testimony against the RPF at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Soon thereafter, he had been contacted by magistrates in Spain and placed under witness protection there.
    Spain is an improbable thorn in Kagame's side. The French have a long history of involvement in Rwanda but the only thing Spain can claim in relation to the small central African country are nine dead Spaniards—one killed during the genocide, the rest after. But Spain is a big fan of the principle of universal jurisdiction, which gives any country the right to pursue any person suspected of a crime against humanity. Some of the dead Spaniards bore signs of torture so the State launched an inquiry.
    At the start of 2008, after years of work and volumes of eyewitness testimony, judge Fernando Andreu Merelles fired off forty international arrest warrants—spraying the entire upper cadre of the RPF in one sitting. Nothing came out of it, except the relocation of some pretty big guns by Rwandan standards to the sunny side of the Alps. Armed with information, they hoped to receive state protection. One of them was Theo, who had since taken up residence in Barcelona.
    "So," Rever asked him, "Can you talk about Byumba?" At his assent, Rever placed her digital recorder on the table.
    "When were you in Byumba town?" she asked, and hit record.

    The MP


    Rever's husband wasn't at the airport when she flew back. He wasn't at home either. She'd finally told him about Ledure and he had reacted by prophesying "a pine box" in her future. The trip to Belgium had been, in Rever's own words "a trip," with the security circus making some of her sources paranoid, making her paranoid, even though, as her bodyguard put it, she had reason to be paranoid. "Believe me," he'd said while holding the door for her one day, "This stuff costs money."
    But it had paid off largely thanks to Theo. Now she needed another trip, this one to Spain, to another Rwandan in the witness protection program: a former member of the Military Police (MP). A lawyer with ties to US, Canadian, and Belgian intelligence communities had warned her that Kagame was aware of her trip to Spain. "Be careful," he'd said in a Skype message, "Stay away from Europe. And if you go to Africa, you're dead." Instead of triggering the usual wave of panic, the message brought on the first surge of true defiance Rever had ever experienced.
    "I thought: what can happen to me in Spain? What can possibly happen to me in Spain?"
    "
    Two days spent listening how men, women and children had been blasted and bludgeoned to death took care of that question."

    Two days spent listening how men, women and children had been blasted and bludgeoned to death took care of that question. At the end of a marathon session, Rever felt sick to her stomach, sick to where, she says, she started "seeing double".
    Yes, the former MP said, Kagame was in Byumba; his presidential guard was everywhere. And yes, some survivors had in fact crawled over of the fence. How many, asked Rever? "About twenty," her source said.
    Which accorded with what she'd gotten from Theo in Brussels.

    The Byumba Massacre


    It was coming together. The details Rever had extracted from three different sources, two with the High Command battalion, one with the Military Police, matched. The story they told was one of fundamental cool in which the complexities of mass-murder—from crowd control to body disposal—were ironed out as they arose, with nobody losing sight of the final objective: ethnic cleansing at its least complicated.
    Historians like Reyntjens point out that in the face of unrelenting hostility, mass-murder became a "mode of governance" for the RPF: a way to make things clear from the very start. "The RPF killed to terrorize," says Reyntjens. "And they succeeded."
    But Rwanda was severely overpopulated, too, and there were, at that point in time, an awful lot of Tutsi living like second class citizens in neighboring countries—a lot of nieces and nephews and cousins and uncles, all waiting to come back. The concept of lebensraum, or living space, developed more as an abstraction by the Nazis, held no nebulous theoretical allure for the RPF. Lebensraum came before food as a necessity, for the simple reason that, in Rwanda, no land equals no food.
    After moving some of its most trusted people into the largest and finest homes in Byumba, recently become Command HQ, the RPF turned them into sleeping and feeding quarters for two platoons subdivided into teams of eight men each. The men weren't necessarily pals but they'd seen each other around. Most of them were anglophones raised in Uganda. All, without exception, were Tutsi without a drop of Hutu blood.
    The first thing they did was leave the Hutu who had gathered in Byumba without food or water for three days. The Hutu, roughly three thousand in number, were barely able to stand by that point. Most of them were refugees, some twice or three times displaced already. They'd surrounded the town hall and were waiting for someone to tell them what to do. Theo called them vas nu pieds, piss-poor peasants who couldn't afford shoes. He described them as a meek multitude "who would have obeyed anyone in a position of administrative power," never mind people with guns.
    "I thought for sure we were going to let them go," said Theo, who was stationed outside the stadium.
    "
    At around seven in the evening, when it got pitch black, he saw dozens of men fan out soundlessly and he heard the first grenade explode."

    Instead, he watched them file into the stadium, picking up assorted pots and pans on the way in. He watched the smoke from cooking fires and imagined them passing maize and water around, their jaws relaxing—hope rippling like an undercurrent from one end to the other of the stadium. Then he watched Col. James Kabarebe, head of the RPF's High Command, come and go. At around seven in the evening, when it got pitch black, he saw dozens of men fan out soundlessly and he heard the first grenade explode. More grenades followed. Then volley after volley of gunfire let loose almost blindly into the night.

    The Cleanup


    The cleanup crews set to work at sunrise. It was hell on earth, said Rever's Military Police source, who had been inside the stadium. Not only did soldiers from the Military Police take turns with the agafuni, a blunt hoe, and other mixed weaponry until everyone was dead—that alone took an entire night—they also had to load the corpses, so slick with blood they were hard to get a hold of, onto trucks. After unloading them all, they had to get a hold of more hoes and start digging in two different locations: the wheat processing plant in Byumba and the outskirts of Rukomo, a town about an hour and a half east, which for reasons known only the top had been selected for the purpose of mass burial.
    But that wasn't all.
    "A week later, Kagame called and said we'd been stupid to bury the bodies," Rever's source said, "He said the French had satellites and they would spot the graves. They gave us masks and gloves. They ordered us to dig up the bodies. The bodies were decomposing, we were all vomiting. It was really very difficult. A lot of us had nightmares after that."
    The trucks came once more. The bodies were loaded in various pieces and driven further east to the Akagera National Park, where they were incinerated with a mix of petrol and gas oil.

    The Disappeared


    While Rever was making copies of her interviews, Kagame was stepping onto a floodlit stage in D.C. to warm applause. President Barack Obama had personally welcomed him to the White House on the eve of the African Leaders Summit, a three day affair meant to achieve, in the immortal words of the White House's press office, "stronger ties between the United States and Africa."
    To a primped and largely bespectacled audience, Kagame outlined his country's projected quantum leap from pre-industrial society to post-industrial technology hub, stating, roughly halfway through one of his speeches, that African leaders had to stop being so dependent on the West, and not just for money, but on how to approach divisionism. "We know what the issues are," he said, "We must solve them without coming to Europe or America".
    "
    …it seemed hardly a coincidence when, roughly a week later, fishermen on the Burundi side of Lake Rweru started pulling up dead bodies…"

    How, he did not specify. But as the Rwandan opposition was quick to point out, it seemed hardly a coincidence when, roughly a week later, fishermen on the Burundi side of Lake Rweru started pulling up dead bodies—half of them wrapped in plastic, the other half displaying the RPF's signature ligature at the elbows.
    The incident would have stayed local had not more bodies washed up—twenty, thirty, forty of them, until the local prosecutor was left with no choice but to open a file. Tongues started wagging and it wasn't long before the matter blew up in the press. Surprisingly, the Burundians came right out and said the bodies were Rwandan. The Rwandans reacted by saying they had no reports of missing persons. But "relations between our countries", they added, would be better served in the future by Burundi using "proper diplomatic channels" instead of going to the press.
    "Those bodies are probably Rwandan," Reyntjens says, echoing a common sentiment, "The Rwandan government has not allowed a proper inquiry, but it should be possible to match the DNA of the bodies with that of family members of those that went missing back in April last year" as mentioned in a Human Rights Watch report.

    The Professor


    Rever and her husband were discussing divorce by then. Rever had developed an autoimmune disorder for which she needed weekly injections of methotrexate, but she kept taking calls on Skype from her sources at the worst times, exasperating her husband, so they agreed on a trial separation. The reporter moved out of the large, well-appointed home the two bought together into a building with a 24-hour doorman.
    Feeling low one day, she picked up the phone and called a professor at Colgate University in upstate New York.
    Susan Thomson, a native of Nova Scotia, knew Rwanda like the back of her hand. She held the rare distinction of having been in Kigali the day the genocide began. She'd been promptly evacuated but on her way out she'd stepped over the bodies of two Tutsi UN employees. She'd returned—"a moth to flame", she admits—to help rebuild Rwanda's justice system, whose capacity had been completely obliterated by the genocide, and consisted, when she landed in the capital in September of 1997, of little more than couple copy machines and a pencil sharpener or two.
    "
    There were no judges in Rwanda when she arrived; they were all dead."

    There were no judges in Rwanda when she arrived; they were all dead. No judges, no prosecutors, no defense attorneys. No court staff either. There were 120,000 Hutu taking turns sleeping and standing in jails meant for one tenth that number and no way of thinning out the crowds aside from the mother of all amnesties, which wasn't in the cards.
    Working with aspiring lawyers drove Thomson over the edge in record time. Not only did she have to favor Tutsi candidates but "the regime controlled everything," she says. "People were scared shitless: half the conversations were in code, the other half didn't take place at all." So she left, got some psychiatric help, and decided that if Rwanda and the improbable paradox "of the victims being, in fact, the killers" was going to qualify as a lifelong obsession, she probably ought to get paid for it. When she disembarked in Kigali in 2003, it was to gather evidence for her PhD dissertation, whose unstated objective was finding out how ordinary Hutu, trapped in the Matrix-like reality of modern Rwanda, whispered their "truth to power".
    She ended up under house arrest, with her passport confiscated and half her files feeding a fire at the bottom of her garden. "I stood there thinking, damn, I wish I had a better memory," but in the end, she says, by keeping only material that she had codified already, she probably spared her sources a visit from the agafuni specialists. She herself had to sit through a "re-education course" with hundreds of genocide convicts still in their prison wear and only managed to get out of the country thanks to the Canadian High Commission, which slipped her a new passport. Back in Nova Scotia, she won her degree from Dalhousie and published her work with the prestigious University of Wisconsin Press, triggering an avalanche of hate mail and a number of not-so-veiled death threats.
    One day during a teaching fellowship at Hampshire College in Massachusetts, her eight-year-old son, Riley, came home with a note in his lunchbox. The school secretary, Thomson says, put it in there at the request of a "tall, dark-skinned man with a foreign accent".
    "We know who you are," the note said, "We know where you are."

    "TOP SECRET"


    Rever and Thomson bonded as only two mothers whose children have been messed with could. In the process, however, Rever discovered that Thomson was angry. Thomson's computer—all her devices in fact—had seen enough "suspicious activity", or evidence of hacking, for the IT department at Colgate to involve the FBI. She'd also been maligned by what she calls the "super-savvy Rwandan PR machinery", one able to put a tawdry spin on the simplest transparencies, like one and one is two. She had come out swinging, generating huge internet traffic to a blistering roundtable she convened on the twentieth anniversary of the genocide in Colgate's largest auditorium, but also routinely calling on scholars to be "a little louder" in their criticism of the RPF.
    Buoyed, Rever began working the phones again. After more than a year, she got in touch with an old source with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
    A bureaucratic mastodon with the efficiency of a Caribbean post office, the ICTR had witnessed the tormented life of a special investigative unit, a three-man-team that labored thanklessly to indict the RPF of at least a fraction of the crimes it had committed. Absent the political will to prosecute, however, the team eventually disbanded: but not before it put together several confidential reports. Like many other journalists, Rever had tried to get her hands on them, with little success.
    This time was no different. Her source asked her how she was, how her children were, what she planned to do about her marriage. He was about to hang up when she told him about the bodyguards in Brussels, the simulated gunfire on her home answering machine, her autoimmune disorder, which a health professional had linked to stress, and the sickening sense that all of it had been for nothing. He didn't say much. The following day Rever received an email from an email account set up under the fictitious name of Clarice Habimana. She clicked on the message, half expecting a request for cash, and out came the Tribunal's report.
    Headlined "TOP SECRET", the document by the special investigative unit put meat on the bones of the infamous "Gersony report", whose findings were suppressed as soon as they were put together in mid-October of 1994. The report assembled by American consultant Robert Gersony documented systematic killing by the RPF for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and made the case that the repatriation of Hutu refugees ought to, at a minimum, be delayed.
    "
    …the report identified an authorization order to start killing Hutus as having come from General Kagame."

    Her head pulsing, Rever scrolled down the document until she found was she was looking for. "Byumba stadium," the report stated, "has been identified as a massacre site," during a nighttime operation under the command of James Kabarebe, the current Minister of Defense and the former head of the RPF's High Command.
    Further on, the report identified an authorization order to start killing Hutus as having come from General Kagame.
    ***
    I met Judi Rever in Vermont in October of last year, before her source at the ICTR sent her the report, and before Theo Murwanashyaka agreed to go on the record for this piece. Rever has since received what she believes are credible reports that the RPF intends to silence its critics in North America by staging traffic accidents—a method successfully employed in Africa—with the help of a former official at the Rwandan embassy in Ottawa. She and four other Canadians have gone to the press in an attempt to generate public awareness of their plight.
    Related Article: Rwandan Generals Accused of War Crimes in UN Employ
      , , , , ,

    From: Terror as Method: A Journalist's Search for Truth in Rwanda | Foreign Policy Journal
    http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2015/09/25/terror-as-method-a-journalists-search-for-truth-in-rwanda/


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    "Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
    ###

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    -“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

    The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

    1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

    2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

    3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

    -“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

    -“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

    -“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

    -“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

    The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

    The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

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    SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

    United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

    The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


    · 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
    · 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
    · 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
    · 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
    · 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
    · 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
    · English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
    · 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
    · £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
    · Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



    Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

    Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
    Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

    Download Documents from Amnesty International

    25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

    25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
    The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

    Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

    Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
    Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

    Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

    Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
    Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

    Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

    Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
    No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

    Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

    Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
    Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

    Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

    Africa

    UN News Centre - Africa

    The Africa Report - Latest

    IRIN - Great Lakes

    This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

    The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

    The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

    -The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

    -General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

    -The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


    - Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.