There is no need to write academic books about the Rwandan genocide. Simply, the root causes of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 are:

1)The long historical ethnic discrimination and apartheid practiced by The Tutsi ( about 14 % of the total Rwandan population) against the Hutu ( more than 85% of the total population).

2)The vast majority of Hutu community’s feared of the return of the apartheid and discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years.

3)The Hutu community’s feared of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the country including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

4) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the International Community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla), and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies, UK and USA.

5) Kagame’s refusal to share political power with the Government he was fighting against because he was relying on full US, UK and Uganda military support to defeat the former Rwandan regime.

26 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Fw: [rwanda_revolution] African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

 


----- Forwarded Message -----
From: "Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [rwanda_revolution]" <rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com>
To: Sibomana Jean Bosco <Sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com>
Sent: Tuesday, 26 May 2015, 15:25
Subject: [rwanda_revolution] African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

 

African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Paul Biya of Cameroon and Sam Nujoma of Namibia  The bottom row all behaved honourably when voted out; Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal, Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria and Armando Guebuza of Mozambique
African presidents bending the constitution to their own purposes is nothing new. Sam Nujoma amended Namibia's constitution in 1999 to allow him a third term as president – he finally ceded power in 2004. Zambia's Frederick Chiluba and Malawi's Bakili Muluzi, however, failed to achieve the same amid domestic criticism. There was also speculation that former South African President Thabo Mbeki aspired to a third term as state president with his unsuccessful bid for a third term as president of the ruling African National Congress. And in Burkina Faso in November 2014, Blaise Compaore was forced to resign after his plans to extend his 27-year rule were met with uproar.
Protesters pose with a police shield outside the parliament in Ouagadougou
Demonstrators in Burkina Faso stormed parliament in 2014 to prevent President Blaise Compaore from extending his 27-year rule (AFP/Getty)
Here is a look at some of the current African leaders who have a tricky relationship with their constitution – those who have succeeded in changing it, those who have failed, and those who are worrying likely to try.
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Clinging on

Uganda - 2005

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni (EPA)
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda set the precedent for the current crop of rulers. Shortly after taking power in 1986 he wrote that: "the problem of Africa in general, and Uganda in particular, is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power."
In an infamous U-turn in 2005, he secured a change to the constitution allowing himself a third term. He is now, at the age of 71, serving a fourth.

Cameroon - 2008

The ruler of Cameroon is the fourth longest-serving president on the continent: only Equatorial Guinea, Angola and Zimbabwe have had to endure their leaders for more time.
Cameroon's President Paul Biya waves as he arrives for the second day of the 4th EU-Africa summit on April 3, 2014 at the EU Headquarters in Brussels.
Cameroon's President Paul Biya in Brussels in 2014 (AFP/Getty)
And although the rulers of Angola and Equatorial Guinea have introduced term limits – which, conveniently for their ageing leaders, are unlikely to affect their own rule – of the four longest-serving leaders, only Paul Biya of Cameroon has successfully overturned the constutition.
A two-term limit in the 1996 constitution should have prevented him from running again, but in 2008 he revised the constitution to eliminate presidential term limits.
Mr Biya, who came to power in 1982, is thought by most to be hoping to run again in 2018 – if the 82-year-old's health holds up.

Burundi - 2015

Pierre Nkurunziza was supposed to be the answer to Burundi's problem of decades of disastrous leadership.
A former university lecturer, he became Burundi's "Minister for Good Governance" and was elected president in 2005. His country had been wracked by civil war and unrest since independence from Belgium in 1962. In 1972 sectarian violence between Hutus and Tutsis saw up to 210,000 people killed, then in 1993 the first Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye, was assassinated - triggering the loss of a further 25,000 lives through tribal warfare.
For the next ten years peace talks continued, with the mediation of Nelson Mandela. And Mr Nkurunziza's election was supposed to cement the ceasefire, and mark a new era of calm under the 2000 Arusha peace agreement.
Initially it worked.
But in April Mr Nkurunziza said he was going to run for a third term – contravening the Arusha agreement, which specifically states that no president can be elected three times. Mr Nkurunziza's argument was that he had not been actually elected the first time – he said he was elected by parliament, so it didn't count.
Pierre Nkurunziza
May 17, 2015: Pierre Nkurunziza makes his first official appearance since the attempted coup against him (AFP/Getty)
In the ensuing violence, 300,000 people fled to neighbouring Rwanda and Tanzania, and generals attempted a coup – which quickly failed.
Elections are due on June 26, although they may well be postponed. Mr Nkurunziza is still vowing to run.

Departing with dignity

Senegal - 2012

The 2012 presidential election in Senegal was the most controversial, hotly contested and violent in Senegal's democratic history.
March 25, 2012 shows ballots in favour of incumbent Abdoulaye Wade during the counting of votes at a polling station in Dakar.
When Senegal's Abdoulaye Wade lost the election, he conceded power (AFP/Getty)
The incumbent, 85-year-old Abdoulaye Wade, proposed constitutional changes that would have ensured his success in the next elections by reducing the number of votes needed to win an election. Mr Wade brought in two-term limits, but then said that the rule did not apply to him because his first term begun before the law was passed.
Citizens took to the streets en masse to say enough is enough, with riots in the capital shocking Senegal – the only country in West Africa never to have had a coup.
Mr Wade eventually backed down and withdrew the amendment, but he continued his controversial run for a third term.
To the surprise of many, he did not rig the polls and was defeated, and conceded after a second round runoff election.

Mozambique - 2014

Prior to the October 2014 elections, Mozambique was in turmoil. The president, Armando Guebuza, remained popular, and had no obvious successor. His party, Frelimo, had ruled Mozambique since independence from Portugal in 1975 – first as a one-party state, then through elections. And as Mr Gyebuza was reaching the end of his second term in office, it was unclear what would happen next - Mozambique's constitution dictated he must step down. Many expected him to claim that "the will of the people" was forcing him to abandon term limits.
From left, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, shake hand after officially opening the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park's Giriyondo border post between South Africa and Mozambique Wednesday Aug. 16, 2006.
L-R President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa in 2006
But to the surprise of many, a successor was found in Filipe Nyusi – a relative unknown. Mr Guebuza, 72, stepped aside, and has recently declared that he will not return to politics.

Nigeria - 2015

The concession of defeat by the Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, after elections in March marked the first time in the nation's history that an incumbent leader has been ousted at the ballot box.
Nigerian president (pictured) could have been sent a DVD in which the girls asked him to do a prisoner swap to get them freed
Goodluck Jonathan
Nigeria's Constitution limits presidents to two four-year terms. Mr Jonathan ascended to the presidency in 2010 upon the death of incumbent Umaru Yar'Adua, and then won the regularly scheduled election in 2011. Legal challenges to his eligibility to run again in 2015 were overturned by the high court – which meant that he had no need to implement some of his suggestions, such as changing the constitution to allow one longer term.
In a closely-fought election, he was defeated, in a pleasant surprise, did not contest the result. He handed over to Muhammadu Buhari, in the first peaceful transition since the end of military rule in 1999.

Ones to watch

DRC - 2016
Joseph Kabila, 43, a former taxi driver, rose to power in 2001 after his father, Laurent, was assassinated.
He won a second five-year mandate at disputed elections in 2011, and is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term in 2016.
In January tentative attempts to overturn the term limit were met with riots, and international NGOs have urged Mr Kabila to commit publicly to standing down next year.
Opponents of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila demonstrate in front of the White House in Washington, DC, on February 7, 2015.
Opponents of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila demonstrate in front of the White House in Washington, DC, USA (Getty)
His vast, mineral-rich country has endured the worst conflict since the Second World War – 5.4 million people have been killed since 1998. And Mr Kabila's peaceful relinquishing of power is seen as absolutely essential in preventing another upsurge of violence, and ensuring economic development. The IMF forecasts its economy will be one of the fastest-growing in the world this year, expanding by 10.5 per cent - mainly driven by mining, which makes up 15 per cent of GDP.

Congo-Brazzaville - 2016

In April Denis Sassou N'Guesso, president of Congo-Brazzaville, announced that he too wanted to change the constitution.
In drawing up a list of assets, they were intrigued to discover that Mr Sassou-Nguesso spent 1.18 million euros between 2005 and 2011 on shirts and suits
Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso
The current law does not allow the president, one of Africa's longest serving leaders, to run for another term in next year's presidential election.
President from 1979 to 1992, he was ousted then re-elected in 1997.
"I think the current constitution can be improved, which is why we need to let the debate happen," he said.

Benin - 2016

Benin President Thomas Boni Yayi promised voters and world leaders including Barack Obama he would step down when his second term expires next year - but doubts over his pledge remain.
French President Francois Hollande (R) welcomes Benin's President Thomas Boni Yayi (C) at the Elysee Palace before attending a Unity rally Marche Republicaine on January 11, 2015 in Paris
French President Francois Hollande (R) welcomes Benin's President Thomas Boni Yayi at the Elysee Palace in January (AFP/Getty)
His plans to reform Benin's constitution - which would introduce a national electoral commission and state auditor to fight corruption and ensure democratic elections - have fed the suspicions about the president's real intentions.

Rwanda - 2017

Paul Kagame has effectively ruled Rwanda since the genocide of 1994, which saw 800,000 people massacred in 100 days. He was initially vice president, but accepted as de facto ruler; in 2000 he was elected president.
The 57-year-old has served the two seven-year terms permitted by the constitution, but has remained worryingly ambiguous about his intentions ahead of 2017 elections.
Britain accused of 'disastrous signal' over Rwanda aid
Paul Kagame has held the reins since 1994 (AFP/Getty)
"I belong to the group that doesn't support change of the constitution," he said in April. "But in a democratic society, debates are allowed and they are healthy.
"I'm open to going or not going depending on the interest and future of this country."


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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
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When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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25 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey

 


Begin forwarded message:

From: "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date: May 25, 2015 at 6:14:01 PM EDT
To: <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Subject: *DHR* Rwanda:asylum seekers who left Israel describe a hopeless journey
Reply-To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr

Ilan Lior haaretz.com, May 24, 2015


Prof. Galia Sabar traveled to Rwanda and Uganda to hear about the Sudanese and Eritreans' wretched living conditions — partly courtesy of Israel. 


The villa in a well-off neighborhood in the Rwandan capital Kigali looks perfectly normal. In recent months, new residents have arrived regularly, but they remain for only a few days. The villa, discovered by Prof. Galia Sabar, is a way station for Eritrean asylum seekers who have agreed to leave Israel for Rwanda.

Sabar, the head of African Studies at Tel Aviv University's Middle Eastern and African History Department, traveled to Uganda and Rwanda two months ago to learn the fate of these asylum seekers. In Rwanda, the main country where Israel has sent them, Sabar didn't meet with a single asylum seeker.

That's because they didn't remain in Rwanda. They typically spent only a few days there before making their strange trip to neighboring Uganda.

"They land in Kigali and a representative whose name you constantly hear, John, arrives. He knows who's arriving and how many people, and he helps them go through immigration," says Sabar, who collected the testimony of 17 people.

In Kigali, the authorities take the laissez passer document that Israel gave them and they're put in a minivan, she says. They're told they're being taken to a hotel. The hotel is that villa in Kigali. At least they have the $3,500 they were given by Israel as a "leaving grant."

They're required to pay $10 to $150 for two nights. Once they enter the building, they can't leave without permission from John. The gate is closed and protected by a guard.

"They were told that it was forbidden to wander around Kigali, and Rwanda in general, without documents; they'd be arrested and put in jail," Sabar says.

In Uganda, she asked asylum seekers how they got out of Rwanda. After a day or two John would come and say "we're waiting for at least eight people." They then had to pay between $250 and $400 to be smuggled over the border to Uganda.

"That means the smuggling is a regular act by that man, who told me he received all his information from the Israel Police," Sabar says. "He knows exactly who's coming and how many. He has an entire network that helps get them out."

They are each allowed to take a small bag. "They reach a certain point in a Rwandan vehicle — of course at night. From there they go on foot, and I have entire descriptions: They've told me how they bend down and run" until they cross the border.

"Smugglers are waiting for them on the Ugandan side. They walk again for a bit and another vehicle picks them up on the other side. Everything is totally organized."

This testimony completely contradicts Israeli claims that the third-party countries the Eritreans and Sudanese are sent to are safe, don't deport asylum seekers, and let them file asylum requests and work for a living. Two months ago, based on these commitments, Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein approved the request of then-Interior Minister Gilad Erdan to send Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers to Rwanda and Uganda — even against their will.


Based on this policy, dozens of asylum seekers at the Holot detention center in the south were told they had to leave Israel within a month. If they refused, they would be jailed at the Saharonim Prison, also in the south, for an indeterminate period.

As far as is known, everyone who has received a deportation order is still being held at Holot — even though the final date for their departure has passed. Earlier this month the Be'er Sheva District Court rejected a petition by human rights groups against the deportation and detention of asylum seekers, saying the petition was premature because the state had not yet jailed asylum seekers who have received deportation notices.

Always the same story

Through last month, more than 1,500 Eritrean and Sudanese had left Israel for third countries as part of the program, says the Population and Immigration Authority. The government has not revealed which countries are involved, but they are widely believed to be Rwanda and Uganda.

Ugandan officials have denied the existence of any agreement with Israel to receive asylum seekers. But Rwandan President Paul Kagame has said Rwanda is in the final phases of crafting such an agreement.

Government sources have told Haaretz that such agreements are indeed in force, but Rwanda and Uganda don't want them made public, and Israel has agreed.

Over a year ago, Haaretz found that asylum seekers were sent to Rwanda and Uganda without any formal status or basic rights. A report released two months ago by two nonprofit groups — Hotline for Refugees and Migrants and the Assaf aid organization for refugees and asylum seekers — found serious faults with the process of "leaving of their own free will."

The report, entitled "Where there is No Free Will: Israel's 'Voluntary Return' Procedure for Asylum Seekers," was based on telephone interviews with dozens of asylum seekers who have left Israel. These people said Rwanda and Uganda did not provide protection, legal status or guarantees for the deportees' safety.

The testimonies Sabar collected support the findings of both Haaretz and the NGOs. She conducted all her interviews in the Ugandan capital Kampala; the interviews lasted up to three hours. She met with some interviewees more than once.

It was always the same story: Rwanda, John, the villa in Kigali, the smuggling route, and the claim they would be able to find asylum and work legally at a reasonable wage in Uganda. She heard the same story from people with no link to one another.

The Rwandans and Ugandans know that every Eritrean asylum seeker has $3,500 in his pocket, Sabar says. "All the people I interviewed said that at one stage or another a Ugandan official demanded payment from them. Sometimes is was $150 or $200," she says.

"Three told me about another young man; he got $1,000 taken from him. And if they don't pay then of course the Ugandan police say they'll arrest them and put them in prison," she says.

It sounded amazing to her; the same guy who picked them up at the airport was responsible for the network. So she decided to try to meet John.

"I got his phone number from six or seven asylum seekers," she says. "He gave them his phone number so they could call him if they had problems while they were still in the villa."

Her telephone conversation with John was conducted in English, lasted 20 minutes and included long silences. John was very nervous.

"Who sent you?" he asked. "No one, I'm from the university," answered Sabar.

John refused to meet her. "I don't want to talk .... I help them .... I can't talk because it's a complex system. I don't want problems," he said.

Sabar tried to understand exactly what his job was and who he worked for. "I don't know the entire process. I received a phone call from a policeman in Israel," he said, probably referring to an official from the Immigration Authority. "He asked me to help them. I only help. I don't want to talk about it."

Neighborhoods of mud

Sabar tried to get more information out of him to confirm the stories she heard. "You meet them at the airport?" she asked. "Yes, yes. I come and welcome them. I take the papers they bring and pass them on."

So Sabar asked to whom he gave the Israeli-issued documents. "I don't want to talk, I don't want to get into trouble .... Look, I'm scared all the time," he said. "That's what I do. I try to help, to be polite and help. Sometimes they're so frustrated they blame me."

Later he told Sabar the Rwandan authorities were sending him to greet the asylum seekers. The precise information on the arrivals he gets from Israel.

Sabar notes the asylum seekers' living conditions in Kampala. "I was in their homes. I know how much it costs to rent a room for a month, what the cost of living is, transportation — they have no chance to survive," she says, adding that the migrants were living in Kampala's "most miserable poor neighborhoods."

"A communal room without water, sewage, without anything, and these are neighborhoods made out of mud — it's $65 a month. A room one rung higher that's reasonable and clean is $300," she says.

"It's sort of a long train of rooms, and at the end there are [squatting] toilets and a shower and water that's communal for all the asylum seekers. I didn't see anyone with his own room. Men were living there in pairs."

Very few asylum seekers chose the two higher levels of housing. "Two were real entrepreneurs and took a sort of house in Kampala, which cost something like $600 [a month], but there are eight rooms there, so they've sublet to others who came after them," Sabar says.

"So they've opened a kind of hostel. The next level was the Asmara motel, a kind of hotel; there they pay per day. If you're there for a month, it reaches something like $350 to $400 per bed."

A very modest standard of living costs $450 a month, assuming the asylum seeker cooks his own very basic food, Sabar says. So the money from Israel can last up to six months.

"I stood in Kampala facing a man in his late 50s, an Eritrean who was in Israel for four years. He spoke amazing Hebrew. He lived most of those years in Eilat and worked for the Isrotel hotel chain," she says.

When she kept on asking question he said "wait a minute" and ran to his room. "He brought me an outstanding-employee certificate from 2011 and a most-liked-employee certificate from 2012, and an employee-of-the month certificate," Sabar says.

As she quotes the asylum seeker: 'Everyone knew I was a good person, honest and liked, and in one day everything was destroyed. I received a summons to Holot and they threw me away like a rag."

There was also a 21-year-old with incredible Hebrew who lived in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Two years ago he took a massage course.

Sabar quotes him: "I came [to Kampala] and said I'll survive, I'm young, I'm healthy, I have a profession, I have a certificate and everything. At every hotel I went to in Kampala I said I wanted to work in their spa or guesthouse. I showed them the certificate; they were very impressed it was from Israel. I took a test and passed. Then they said: Bring us your refugee documents" — which he didn't have.

Sabar asked him why he didn't file an asylum request. He said that at the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Kampala, he was asked where he came from — and he couldn't tell the truth. He was afraid that if they knew he came from Israel, they'd send him to Eritrea.

"You see the various stations in this horrible journey for survival," says Sabar. "And when you think about the road ahead of them — they talked all the time about Libya and crossing from Libya to the sea. What can these people expect?"

Sabar notes how she had already studied asylum seekers in Israel for six or seven years. "But the people I met in Uganda had this burned-out look; the only others I've seen with this look were in refugee camps. This is a feeling of no future and no hope."

Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey - Features


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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

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Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

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This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

Venerating Kagame: The UK celebrate the expansion of their influence to Rwanda

Venerating Kagame: The UK celebrate the expansion of their influence to Rwanda
As planned by Kagame before he took power, all French related institutions (businesses,NGOs, schools, RFI, cultural centres) are banned and expelled from Rwanda and replaced by the British ones.The French language is banned in education, administration and businesses, and is replaced by the English language. All public and private institutions have been renamed in English. The French language has been removed from the National ID cards. Rwanda unilaterally left the Communauté économiqe des états de l'Afrique centrale to join the East African Community controlled by the UK. Next: full and unconditional admission to Commonwealth.
-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.

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Paying wages to Kagame’s guerrilla fighters from Ugandan and British taxpayer’s money.

Paying wages to Kagame’s guerrilla fighters from Ugandan and British taxpayer’s money.
General Paul Kagame was the Chief of Military Intelligence of the Ugandan National Resistance Army, which is funded by the UK government. Kagame had all necessary resources to plan his invasion to Rwanda, with the support by Ugandan army and paid mercenaries from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Soudan, Ethiopia to fight against the former Rwandan small army. As a refugee ( as he claimed to be), Kagame was travelling around the world to prepare his war against Rwanda, a peaceful country. His multiple foreign trips on different Ugandan diplomatic passports with different names were used to transfer the money in his multiple foreign accounts on different names to purchase weapons and to get the support from the UK and other western sponsors. These trips were funded by the UK's aid aimed at to tackling poverty in Uganda. Kagame and his 20,000 fighters were paid as regular civil servants or soldiers through the UK's aid and Uganda taxpayer’s money since 1986 to 1998. Most Kagame's fighters were still on the Uganda payroll until 2000. After the war, hundreds of Kagame's fighters were sent to the UK to apply for refugee status. During the war, the former Rwandan government could not afford to purchase weapons because of having been restricted to do so by IMF and the World Bank under the Rwanda Structural Adjustment Programme. Furthermore, the UN Security Council imposed the former Rwandan Government an army embargo that weakened their position to fight the war while Kagame was receiving arms and ammunitions from the UK arms dealers and from the Ugandan army funded by the UK aid.

Rwanda has become a new British colony replacing the Belgians.

Rwanda has become a new British colony replacing the Belgians.
Despite human rights violations, a quasi-apartheid system of discrimination against the majority Hutu communities (86%), Hutu landlord's rights violations, lack of democracy and freedom of expression and association, denial of rights to independent legal representation, denial of hutus’ human rights to mourning and descent burial of their dead in the genocide ,political repression, obstruction of justice; Rwanda will be admitted in the Commonwealth soon. For example, it is impossible for anyone who speaks French to get a job in Rwanda.

The British support Museveni and Kagame’ wars to create the East Africa Federation.

The British  support Museveni  and Kagame’ wars to create the East Africa Federation.
The UK, Museveni and Kagame ‘s plans are to create and to consolidate the East African political federation, a regional super state whose first President will be Museveni. The francophone countries, Rwanda and Burundi, forcibly joined the East African Community which has adopted English as the only official language. Museveni and UK’s failed ambitions aimed creating a regional Anglophone bloc composed of Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ethiopia, R.D.Congo and Sudan.Museveni and the British have no remorse for the lives lost in the African Great Lakes Region.Kagame has been trying to impose the English language to other countries of the region through various political and economic tactics.