The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

30 Sep 2012

Probe over millions spent on foreign aid consultants


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/9547162/Probe-over-millions-spent-on-foreign-aid-consultants.html

Probe over millions spent on foreign aid consultants

Revelations that hundreds of millions of pounds are being spent in consultancy fees from the foreign aid budget have prompted the launch of an emergency audit.

Nearly £1.5 billion has been spent tackling man-made climate change by Government department responsible for fighting poverty abroad, it can be revealed.
Dfid is one of only two departments not affected by the Government's austerity drive Photo: PA
By John-Paul Ford Rojas and Rowena Mason
6:30AM BST 17 Sep 2012
Justine Greening, the new International Development Secretary, launched the probe last night after it emerged that nearly £500 million was paid to firms working on Third World programmes.
Some of the companies were rewarding their directors with seven-figure salaries.
Miss Greening, a qualified accountant who was put in charge of the Department for International Development in David Cameron's reshuffle earlier this month, has demanded an urgent explanation.
She was said to be going through the department's spending "line by line" and has ordered a full report to be on her desk by the end of the month.
It follows the revelations yesterday that Britain's swelling overseas budget had created a new group of "poverty barons" paying themselves up to £2 million a year for their work helping the disadvantaged.
William Morrison, the managing director of London-based development consultancy Adam Smith International (ASI), which gets most of its income from DfID, paid himself a salary and dividends totalling almost £1.3 million in 2010.
The company was paid £37 million by the department last year to promote the free market in the Third World – with a total turnover of £53.6 million that year, and profits of £5 million, up 10% on 2010.
Peter Young, a director of ASI and its parent company Amphion, said: "We have got tax revenues in Afghanistan up from next to nothing to £2billion.
"If you want to get a good job done, you have to get people who know what they're doing. Our profit margins are on the low side for consultancies."
Maxwell Stamp, another development consultancy firm, was paid £16.4 million by DfID last year for projects such as community legal services in Bangladesh and opposing child marriage in Ethiopia.
Its highest paid director earned at least £326,000, doubling his salary from the year before.
Foreign organisations that have been paid by the department include Washington-based Search for Common Ground, which took nearly £4 million for providing support to the "electoral cycle" in Sierra Leone.
Meanwhile the Clinton Foundation has been given a slice of a £200 million contract to advise on forestry while consultancies in Uganda and India have also been rewarded with contracts, the Sunday Telegraph revealed.
It comes against the background of David Cameron's controversial pledge to increase the aid budget to 0.7% of national income by 2014, which would see DfID's budget swell from around £8 billion to more than £12 billion.
It is a promise that does not sit well with many on the right wing of the Conservative party amid cuts elsewhere.
Matthew Sinclair, chief executive of the Taxpayers' Alliance, said: "Ministers have insisted that they need more money to help the world's poorest, but taxpayers will be appalled that hundreds of millions of pounds is being channelled to pricey consultancy firms."
A DFID spokesman said: "Taxpayers rightly expect DFID to monitor development and humanitarian programmes.
"That can involve using expert organisations to help ensure delivery and close oversight of the effectiveness of aid projects on the ground, which can often take place in remote or rural areas.
"Those organisations have won contracts to work for DFID through a best value, competitive bid process."


Rwanda: Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire



Rwanda: Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire

March 12, 2012 By Rwema IT Webmaster 1 Comment
Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire
Rwandan President Paul Kagame today is a billionaire, one of the very few Africans that owns a Bombardier Global Express Jet. His story from rugs to riches is most unusual – anyhow Kagame's empire includes food-processing, real estate, construction, telecommunications, tea estates, jet fuel and tea estates. He operates through a string of cronie associates such as Prof Manasseh Nshuti, Faustin Mbundu, Hatari Sekoko, and James Gateera while Mrs Kagame operates Egide Gatera.
All this is open secret in Rwanda.
The most fascinating question though is: how did Kagame become a billionaire from a poverty-stricken soldier that arrived from Uganda in 1990 with a mountain of debts and loans?
Paul Kagame used six major routes into his ill-acquired wealth to become super rich.
ROUTE ONE: Paul Kagame looted MAGERWA warehouse of imports and export goods in 1994. While Rwandans were still burying their dead, Kagame was choosing the best assets to steal – this was also the time he grabbed the prime land at Lake Muhazi in 1994 that became "his" farm in 1995.
ROUTE TWO: Paul Kagame was the single largest beneficiary of economic sanctions imposed on Burundi after Major Pierre Buyoya took power in a military coup in July 1996. Until the lifting of the embargo in 1999, Kagame levied "fees" on exports out and imports into Burundi through Rwanda, especially petroleum, making him an instant millionaire.
ROUTE THREE: Paul Kagame set up monopoly companies under the holding company known as Tristar that he ran with only a few trusted relatives and cronies. Renamed Crystal Ventures, this group of companies dominate all Rwandan economic sectors.
ROUTE FOUR: Paul Kagame would be considers an "insider trader." The term refers to a practice in which an insider trades on stock based on information obtained during the performance of the insider's duties – as opposed to public information. Paul Kagame uses information he receives as head of state to advantage himself and his companies. The worst case is where he has bankrupted the national Telecom Rwandatel, to advantage his MTN Rwanda which is his biggest cash cow. Kagame the businessman rents out his Bombardier jet to Kagame the head of state. Kagame the businessman rents out his building to house Rwanda embassy in London, UK.
ROUTE FIVE: Paul Kagame turned Zaire-DRC into his personal mining fields first by imposing and propping up the regime of Laurent Kabila. When Daddy Kabila was later killed, he was replaced by his son, the current DRC dictator. Baby Kabila tried to fight Paul Kagame but failed and adopted the philosophy "if you can beat him join him. Paul Kagame has in the meantime used Eastern DRC to make a personal fortune and to become fabulously wealthy.
ROUTE SIX: Paul Kagame has ruthlessly marketed himself as Mr Clean Government. Gullible donors have as a result given him billions over the last 17 years – directly into his government's budget. Donor direct contribution to Kagame budget remains as high as 50%. This frees domestic resources for looting by Paul Kagame. In other words, donor funding is a cover and an endorsement of Kagame's unsavoury renting-seeking economic activities that have turned him into a billionaire.
But Sir Paul, what next for you Mr Billionaire? Are you able to sleep? Will your Singapore materialise if you are stealing the money to build it? Oh dear, questions and more questions.
AD
Paul Rudahakana, Kampala
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Fw: *DHR* UN/Rwanda: There Can be no Impunity for Those Who Violate Human Rights


 
http://salem-news.com/articles/september292012/rwanda-human-rights-jf.php

Sep-29-2012 18:06printcomments

There Can be no Impunity for Those Who Violate Human Rights

Jennifer Fierberg, MSW Salem-News.com
Wouldn't his appointment to this council be a contradictory appointment when the primary role of the UNSC is to maintain international peace and security?
Congo rebels
Congo rebels

(BOSTON) - Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwanda's Minister of Foreign Affairs, told members of the press that Rwanda is expecting to be voted as the African representative at the 2012 United Nations Security Council election to be held on 18 October 2012 during the 67th session of the United Nations General Assembly, to be held at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City. With the support of East African Community (EAC) and the African Union (AU), Rwanda has put its bid out for the 2013 -2014 rotating seat at the United Nations Security Council to replace South Africa in January 2013. Rwanda joined the United Nations (UN) on 18 September 1962 which marks Rwanda's 50th year as a member.
This move should raise quite a few red flags for anyone who follows politics in Central Africa or human rights violations. President Paul Kagame has a very long list of violations that should immediately cancel his bid for South Africa's seat but their application was still accepted.
So what are the duties of being a UN Security Council Member? According to UN.org the following is the basic framework:
Under the Charter, the functions and powers of the Security Council are:

  •          to maintain international peace and security in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations;
  •          to investigate any dispute or situation which might lead to international friction;
  •          to recommend methods of adjusting such disputes or the terms of settlement;
  •          to formulate plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments;
  •          to determine the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression and to recommend what action should be taken;
  •          to call on Members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not involving the use of force to prevent or stop aggression;
  •          to take military action against an aggressor;
  •          to recommend the admission of new Members;
  •          to exercise the trusteeship functions of the United Nations in "strategic areas";
  •          to recommend to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and, together with the Assembly, to elect the Judges of the International Court of Justice.

Now , one would assume that each member should be measured against these standards as individuals who have acted politically in their own countries and their historical record should speak for itself. If this is the case then why was Paul Kagame's application accepted?
Kabila, Moon and Kagame
Earlier this week the UN held their General Assembly and President Paul Kagame addressed the gathering discussing how conflict robs nations of security, increases poverty and robs people from feeling included in their country. He also made cursory mentions, without using names, to groups over generalizing conflicts; read "we are not involved in DRC nor do we support the M23."
With overwhelming evidence that President Paul Kagame has played a key role in destabilizing the Congo over the last 16 years how can he possibly be considered for a member of a council that seeks peace and actions needed in the world's nations? The UN Group of Experts report in June 2012 should be enough evidence to prove that this applicant does not deserve a seat on the UN Security Council. So why is he still being considered? Wouldn't his appointment to this council be a contradictory appointment when the primary role of the UNSC is to maintain international peace and security?
The latest report from Human Rights Watch on Rwanda and their concerns about World Bank Financing in Rwanda can be found here: http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/ 09/05/letter-world-bank-vice- president-africa-rwanda
During the UN General Assembly Paul Kagame attended many meetings most prominently the one with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton where she sat down with President Kagame and President Kabila of DR Congo and asked them to work out a solution to the issues the two countries are facing. Despite Kagame's continued denial of any involvement in the DRC it was noted by someone in the room that: Despite Rwanda's denials, a senior U.N. diplomat has said that privately Kigali was "a bit embarrassed, to say the least, and this could be one of the reasons behind the lull (in fighting) in the Kivu." Yet why would they be embarrassed if they have nothing to do with the M23 or the ongoing crisis in the Congo?
Fleeing Congo Refugees
In a second meeting that was widely reported in the media, Paul Kagame stood up and left a meeting on that was covering issues of Central Africa after Minister Didier Reynders called out Rwanda specifically for supporting rebel groups in the DRC that continue to displace hundreds of thousands as well as use of force to keep this county destabilized. It is not uncommon for UNSC members to leave a meeting when someone is speaking whom they don't agree with and it is not typically a news worthy situation. Yet, this one seemed to get the attention of the world.
When questioned about why he left the meeting so early and after being called into question by the Belgian delegate someone in Kagame's camp stated: "it was not a diplomatic incident but that he had to be at a meeting." I don't know anyone who bought that excuse.
Why would an active applicant to the UNSC walk out on a meeting about his own region specifically? This bad choice in behaviors will surely come back to haunt Paul Kagame.
The UNSC needs to consider this application very carefully. They need to read the many reports on Rwanda's current government and their actions in the region as well as the reports by Human Rights Watch that carefully and explicitly define President Kagame's behavior towards his own people and the neighboring countries.
Paul Kagame does have strong support for a seat on the UNSC through the African Union as well as India and Australia but what is their reasoning for supporting Kagame? Have they also drunk the Kool-Aid that he "stopped" the 1994 Genocide and has brought peace, tranquility and equality to Rwanda? Are they buying the stories that Rwanda is the "Singapore" of Africa when it really looks more like Myanmar of yesteryear?
Are the peacekeeping missions that Rwanda has deployed around Africa enough for the UNSC to overlook the reality that is Paul Kagame?
How can his appointment to the UNSC be a step forward for world peace? The UN is considering on sanctioning Rwanda due to the many reports that detail what it is doing in the region so how can he be considered for a UNSC seat when his government is currently under the speculation of the world for crimes his government is committing?
_________________________________
Jennifer Fierberg is a social worker in the US working on peace and justice issues in Africa with an emphasis on the crisis in Rwanda and throughout the central region of Africa. Her articles have been published on many humanitarian sites that are also focused on changing the world through social, political and personal action.
Jennifer has extensive background working with victims of trauma and domestic violence, justice matters as well as individual and family therapy. Passionate and focused on bringing the many humanitarian issues that plague the African Continent to the awareness of the developed world in order to incite change. She is a correspondent, Assistant Editor, and Volunteer Coordinator for NGO News Africa through the volunteer project of the UN. Jennifer is also the media co-coordinator and senior funding executive for The Africa Global Village (www.africaglobalvillage.com) Jennifer comes to www.Salem-News.com with a great deal of experience and passion for working to stop human right violation in Africa.

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Victoire Ingabire: Address in captivity to Rwandans and Friends of Rwanda


"When I recently heard such utterances I felt deep sadness. I truly respect the President of Rwanda. I am a mother I will never dare to insult him even though he insulted me", Victoire Ingabire, May 3, 2010.
http://rwandinfo.com/eng/address-of-victoire-ingabire-in-captivity-to-rwandans-and-friends-of-rwanda/

Address of Victoire Ingabire in captivity to Rwandans and Friends of Rwanda

by Chief Editor
Victoire Ingabire, Chair of FDU-Inkingi
Victoire Ingabire, Opposition leader in captivity.
Fellow Rwandans,
Friends of Rwanda,
It is almost 4 months back to my homeland after 16 years in exile.
It was unbearable to hear the pain and the misery of my people at thousands of miles away.
Upon my arrival, the regime, the state machinery and partisan media launched unrelenting demonizing campaign.
The harassment and intimidation paved the way to endless police grilling.
There has been no relief at all.
The reason is just to repress my political rights, to fabricate criminal records, to derail the registration of my political party UDF INKINGI and to deter my presidential eligibility.

1. Captivity

You may all recall that on 21st April 2010, the Rwandan government arrested me.
I spent one night in jail.
My home was violently searched the same night and up to date the state police have never returned our two computers, one computer of a visitor, computer programs, digital camera, disks, flash drives, cell phones, contracts, business cards, party flyers, flags and logos, passport, driving license, and all paper documents.
The following day upon my request to be granted a bail, I was provisionally released from the jail.
Since then, I can neither travel abroad nor go beyond the capital city of Kigali.
Held under "extended" house arrest, I also have to report to the Prosecutor's office twice a month.
In reality, as it was shortly after my return, I have no freedom of movement. The only difference is that this time it is "legal". I am in captivity.
I know many of you are eager and thirsty to hear live our freedom message. In this attempt to freeze our political activities and to thwart the road to democracy, the government has decided to put me "in chains" but my determination is still intact.
Even though being imprisoned is something any democratic opposition leader, who is peacefully fighting against a dictatorial regime, should expect and be aware of, nobody should give up the individual liberties.
I would like therefore to thank all the people who played a role in my release from jail. Particularly, I would like to thank my dear fellows UDF-Inkingi's members, who provided me with all the necessary means I crucially needed in order to stand a trial in court.
I would also like to thank the Rwandan people who came massively to my court hearing.
I am writing to thank you all for your support and your prayers, to inform you about the circumstances of my captivity and about my trial, and to strengthen you in the hope for a democratic and better Rwanda.

2. My trial is politically motivated

Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda,
This trial is trumped-up on false accusations because the prosecutor knows well that I am innocent. However, because I am engaged in a political fight, my opponents relied on media lynching of my person using public and private media and government institutions.
I was even physically assaulted within the premises of an administrative building.
As the time went on, my opponents came to realize that such acts of harassment and intimidation did not deter my determination. Instead, I continued to visit the Rwandan people nationwide.
My opponents finally brandished the wall of laws, their own laws with their own reading. I was repeatedly summoned, almost every week since February, by the Criminal Investigation Department until my arrest and jail on 21st April 2010.
Briefly why am I being harassed? What are the charges levied against me?
- Promoting divisionism
- Harboring genocide ideology
- Creating an armed group and collaboration with the FDLR.

2.1. PROMOTING DIVISIONISM

2.1.1. We belong to an opposition political party
You all know that I am the chairperson of an opposition political party. Compared to the current regime, we see things differently on several crucial issues facing our country.
We refuse to be led by a one-man-rule, a state-party system for fear of being accused of divisionism.
The Rwandan Constitution recognizes a multi-party system. That means the Constitution gives the Rwandan people the right to conceive and freely express dissenting political ideas.
We attest that the Rwandan people live under the yoke of fear and ignorance.
People are kept in perpetual extreme poverty characterized by widespread malnutrition and poor healthcare, especially in rural areas.
Government officials are forcing people to destroy their banana plantations even though these plantations represent the principal source of income for the poor.
The healthcare system doesn't guarantee healthcare coverage for all the Rwandan people due to scarcity and high cost of prescription drugs even though every Rwandan is required to subscribe to the universal health insurance coverage (Mutuelles de Santé).
The reform of the education sector should go hand in hand with adequate infrastructures, trained human resources and relevant translated books. How will teachers deliver in languages they don't speak? This is terrible for the quality of the education.
In schools, History teachers are totally confused: the regime's political manipulations are in total conflict with the facts.
We are not afraid to tell the world that the Rwandans are under the yoke of fear and darkness, the hunger is acute in rural Rwanda.
We are against the fact that the Gacaca courts that were traditionally responsible for settling social disputes, consider cases that require special knowledge that the criminal court judges do not have.
This is even more serious because it involves crimes as serious as genocide. We are also opposed to the fact that the accused in these courts have no right to be assisted by a lawyer.
Professor Andre Guichaoua, a renowned researcher from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, recently published a reference book titled "Rwanda, from War to Genocide. Criminal Politics in Rwanda, 1990-1994."
In this book, Andre Guichaoua thoroughly analyzed the Gacaca court system and found that nearly all Rwandans who were at least 14 years old and were living in Rwanda before 1994 have been dragged to Gacaca courts.
2.1.2. Some utterances from the President of Rwanda are surprising
The Government machinery recently suspended two independent newspapers, split two political parties while other parties have been denied authorization to hold their constituent congress, a necessary step towards the registration of any political party.
They jailed politicians such as Deogratias Mushayidi and senior military officers. If someone says that there is something rotten in Rwanda's leadership, government officials are quick to brandish the law on divisionism.
We say we need a democratic change, more political space, freedom of speech and the President of Rwanda claims to hold us in contempt, as worthless people, criminals, and hooligans.
He even boasted about how it was patriotic to shoot people in the DRC.
When I recently heard such utterances I felt deep sadness. I truly respect the President of Rwanda. I am a mother I will never dare to insult him even though he insulted me.
Such a speech was delivered during the 16th commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsis and a week after before both chambers of the Senate and the National Assembly.
Although I was outraged, I did not deem necessary to respond, there was nothing I could say about it. Whoever says this is not acceptable is accused of divisionism.
Should we shy to denounce these utterances simply because they are from a head of state or his government? No.
2.1.3. Ethnic problems should not be taboo
In Rwanda, people are afraid of discussing openly the current ethnic problem.
To attest that the Rwandan population is composed of three ethnic groups is neither a crime nor a problem.
The problem is to be deprived of your fundamental rights simply because you are Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa. It does not make sense to allege that there are no ethnic groups in Rwanda while we all know that Tutsis were decimated simply because of their ethnicity and were slaughtered because they were Tutsis.
We attest that we already have a comprehensive plan to deal with this ethnic problem from its root causes in order to protect everybody's right to life through a legal framework that would guarantee that no Rwandan would be threatened because of his/her ethnic background.

2.2. HARBORING GENOCIDE IDEOLOGY

2.2.1. We recognize the genocide
I and the political party I chair, UDF-Inkingi, which was created in 2006, we recognize that in 1994, in Rwanda, there has been genocide against the Tutsis.
We also recognize that during that time, before and after, there have been crimes against humanity committed against other groups of the Rwandan population.
These are facts we witnessed but also recognized by the United Nations, Resolution No 955 of November 08, 1994.
We also believe that anyone who has responsibility in those unspeakable killings against humanity should be held accountable.
This is what the current regime calls harboring genocide ideology or genocide denial.
2.2.2. Our position on reconciliation
We advocate for national reconciliation of the Rwandan people.
However, we strongly believe that true reconciliation cannot be achieved as long as the sufferings of some Rwandans who lost their relatives during those killings have not been officially recognized.
We need to encourage Rwandans to talk about the tragedy with no taboo, to bring them together in order to set solid guidelines for a long lasting settlement.
Justice needs to be fair and not selective.
2.2.3. Destruction of the symbol of democracy
On 1st May 2010 late night, the regime masterminded the profanation of the symbol of democracy by exhuming the rests of Mr. Dominique Mbonyumutwa, the first President of the Republic of Rwanda.
This is a wrong signal to the Democratic and Freedom values in Rwanda.
Those manipulations of national history to suit the regime's interests are sidelining the state, becoming a separate entity from the whole society.

2.3. COLLABORATING WITH THE FDLR

I refer to my speech of 16th January 2010 in Kigali upon arrival: "I am a daughter and a mother, moved by the misery and humiliations of my people. I don't need an army to defeat the dictatorship. All we need is determination, commitment and patience. The sacrifices of all committed people will overcome our misery and this endless crisis in our motherland. (…) We don't need another war in our country. Too much blood has been poured. Enough is enough…"
Why do they want me to collaborate with rebels? I don't need them. They have been tackling each other for over 16 years.
We need to bring this to an end. We need peace.
We condemn the politics that killed nearly 5 millions of our Congolese neighbors since 1996.
Those who have fought, have they achieved long lasting peace? No. Why should we be inspired by a failure?
They will parade dozens, hundreds of ex-FDLR, to accuse us of any thing they want. Our answer remains the same; the war is not an answer.
How one can achieve anything with that kind of paraded colonels? Why have they kept them in military facilities since 2009 before I came back home, and are making big cases of them now?
The political decision to register our political party in the country to compete with this regime was not an easy decision that we took recklessly.
We first put together our ideas, thoroughly analyzed many ways we should use and related consequences in order to solve the political deadlock. We chose the non-violent way in our fight for freedom, justice and democracy.
FDLR rebels are Rwandans. They need sincere guarantees prior to repatriation.
Those involved in crimes await fair justice. Others deserve a normal socio-professional life.
If you jail a politician on suspicions of talking to elements of a rebellion how can you assure them to come home and be safe?
We are in total disagreement with the current government policy of "poaching" some FDLR leaders, while encouraging the use of force against the others.
I therefore solemnly set the goal that if the Rwandan people trust me and elect me as President of Rwanda, my government will hold direct talks with the FDLR.
They are Rwandans and have no other country on this planet. However, those who are responsible for crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity will face justice.

3. Our position on the Rwanda Defense Forces

"I am not bringing an army with me". There is a very capable army in the country.
As long as the army will opt for political neutrality and work towards the fulfillment of the duties of maintaining integrity and sovereignty of the country, protecting the Rwandan people, ensuring peace and security in the region, and protecting government institutions issued from genuine democratic processes, I will always believe in that army.
The Rwanda Defense Force is a key factor for the stability of this country.
Many Rwandans respect the motto saying: "In the RDF, good leadership; discipline; mutual trust and respect between members; respect for the law and enduring loyalty to the constitution, are the cornerstone of our success and constant ability to be a force for good".
In this respect, we strongly advocate for professionalism, carrier stability and leadership empowerment.
I therefore take this opportunity to inform and assure soldiers within the RDF, who were not aware of this understanding, that this is indeed our position on the problem regarding the Rwandan army.

Conclusion

Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda,
We call upon partner countries and the international community to support our efforts to bring about a lasting solution in Rwanda.
Development indicators are encouraging but will remain fragile as long as they lack a solid foundation, as long as Rwanda is a one-man-rule.
Proponents of the current regime have touted its benefits, such as faster economic growth, more economic opportunities and higher standards of living. However, this process is bypassing big swaths of particularly vulnerable populations. Large segments of the population face crushing poverty.
There will be no lasting stability and no sustainable development without democracy, without fair justice, without the rule of law, without a genuine reconciliation.
Those who believed that stability and development were possible in Rwanda without democratization have seen the limits.
We strongly believe that long-term, sustainable economic and social development requires democratic governance rooted in the rule of law.
I would like to finish this message by calling upon the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, to let me recover my full freedom and liberties, so that I can enjoy my political rights which are the reason I came back home from exile, hold the constitutional congress of my political party, register the party, compete during the elections and let the Rwandan people decide.
God bless you all.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza,
UDF INKINGI, Chair
Kigali, May 3, 2010
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29 Sep 2012

Rwanda: Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire




Rwanda: Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire

March 12, 2012 By Rwema IT Webmaster 1 Comment
Six Routes Paul Kagame Took to Become a Billionaire
Rwandan President Paul Kagame today is a billionaire, one of the very few Africans that owns a Bombardier Global Express Jet. His story from rugs to riches is most unusual – anyhow Kagame's empire includes food-processing, real estate, construction, telecommunications, tea estates, jet fuel and tea estates. He operates through a string of cronie associates such as Prof Manasseh Nshuti, Faustin Mbundu, Hatari Sekoko, and James Gateera while Mrs Kagame operates Egide Gatera.
All this is open secret in Rwanda.
The most fascinating question though is: how did Kagame become a billionaire from a poverty-stricken soldier that arrived from Uganda in 1990 with a mountain of debts and loans?
Paul Kagame used six major routes into his ill-acquired wealth to become super rich.
ROUTE ONE: Paul Kagame looted MAGERWA warehouse of imports and export goods in 1994. While Rwandans were still burying their dead, Kagame was choosing the best assets to steal – this was also the time he grabbed the prime land at Lake Muhazi in 1994 that became "his" farm in 1995.
ROUTE TWO: Paul Kagame was the single largest beneficiary of economic sanctions imposed on Burundi after Major Pierre Buyoya took power in a military coup in July 1996. Until the lifting of the embargo in 1999, Kagame levied "fees" on exports out and imports into Burundi through Rwanda, especially petroleum, making him an instant millionaire.
ROUTE THREE: Paul Kagame set up monopoly companies under the holding company known as Tristar that he ran with only a few trusted relatives and cronies. Renamed Crystal Ventures, this group of companies dominate all Rwandan economic sectors.
ROUTE FOUR: Paul Kagame would be considers an "insider trader." The term refers to a practice in which an insider trades on stock based on information obtained during the performance of the insider's duties – as opposed to public information. Paul Kagame uses information he receives as head of state to advantage himself and his companies. The worst case is where he has bankrupted the national Telecom Rwandatel, to advantage his MTN Rwanda which is his biggest cash cow. Kagame the businessman rents out his Bombardier jet to Kagame the head of state. Kagame the businessman rents out his building to house Rwanda embassy in London, UK.
ROUTE FIVE: Paul Kagame turned Zaire-DRC into his personal mining fields first by imposing and propping up the regime of Laurent Kabila. When Daddy Kabila was later killed, he was replaced by his son, the current DRC dictator. Baby Kabila tried to fight Paul Kagame but failed and adopted the philosophy "if you can beat him join him. Paul Kagame has in the meantime used Eastern DRC to make a personal fortune and to become fabulously wealthy.
ROUTE SIX: Paul Kagame has ruthlessly marketed himself as Mr Clean Government. Gullible donors have as a result given him billions over the last 17 years – directly into his government's budget. Donor direct contribution to Kagame budget remains as high as 50%. This frees domestic resources for looting by Paul Kagame. In other words, donor funding is a cover and an endorsement of Kagame's unsavoury renting-seeking economic activities that have turned him into a billionaire.
But Sir Paul, what next for you Mr Billionaire? Are you able to sleep? Will your Singapore materialise if you are stealing the money to build it? Oh dear, questions and more questions.
AD
Paul Rudahakana, Kampala
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26 Sep 2012

Rwandan politician Andrew Muganwa languishes in jail as trial stalls


 
http://www.inyenyerinews.org/human-rights/rwandan-politician-andrew-muganwa-languishes-in-jail-as-trial-stalls/ 

Rwandan politician Andrew Muganwa languishes in jail as trial stalls

September 25, 2012 By Rwema IT Webmaster 1 Comment
By : Nelson Gatsimbazi
It is more than five months since the leader of the unregistered Rwanda opposition political party NPDP-Ihumure was arrested and remanded at the Kimironko Prison in the capital Kigali charged with divisionism, organizing an illegal protest and obtaining money by false pretense.
Court documents show that Muganwa's trail has stalled because of his refusal to defend himself without a lawyer after his request to Advocates without borders failed to respond to his request for support.
Critics allege these are charges the government of Rwanda regularly uses to silence vocal opposition politicians.
Muganwa is known to espouse radical anti Kagame views and has refused to go into exile unlike most opposition politicians who have preferred to flee rather than languish in prison without hope of release.
For this reason, the politician has become some sort of a jailbird spending a lot of time in both legal and illegal detentions over the past decade.
The charge sheet alleges that on 1st April 2012 Muganwa Andrew convened a meeting of six people and encouraged them to "overcome fear and confront a clique of Tutsi from Uganda who are exploiting and not sharing with Tutsi who returned from Burundi and Tanzania, also that the majority Hutu are working hard for exploiters to gain… who include Hutu exploiters also in power as part of the dictatorship.
That the party NPDP-Ihumure is ready for demonstrations at the President's office, ministries and closing roads." Prosecution also alleges that on 7th April 2012, Muganwa met a one Tugirimana Cyprien and plotted to con his in law a one Nzamurambaho Samuel of one million Rwandan Francs.
The charge sheet shows Nzamurambaho as the complainant.
However, the said Nzamurambaho wrote to court in a letter dated 10th August that he had no case against Muganwa Andrew.
Court decided that there was sufficient reason to believe there was a case against the accused and remanded him to prison.
Andrew Muganwa was one of the founders of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda once acting as founding Secretary General before disagreeing with other then top members Frank Habineza and Charles Kabanda and leaving to found NPDP-Ihumure.
Muganwa was once jailed for penning an article in the now banned Umuseso Newspaper comparing President Paul Kagame to the assassinated President Juvenali Habyarimana saying they 'were twin'. That case failed to proceed after he insisted that President Kagame must appear in court as a witness something prosecution couldn't fulfill and the case was abandoned.
Sources at Remera Prison report that he is in poor health state having failed to acclimatize with the meals served of boiled maize and beans.
The sources say that family and friends have distance from delivering better meals because of fear.
Our sources in Kimironko Prison where Muganwa is, says that he has swollen legs because of malnutrition and he is likely to kick the bucket in prison as it might be the intention of the Rwandan government which has kept him in prison despite of being in critical condition.
Muganwa Andrew was once arrested in Kami, one of the biggest safe houses in Rwanda for 3 years and saved by media after publishing stories about his arrest. When Andrew was in Kami safe house, he was tortured and lost some of his teeth.
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25 Sep 2012

EU suspends new aid to Rwanda in bid to end DRCongo crisis





Rwanda

 

EU suspends new aid to Rwanda in bid to end DRCongo crisis

09/25/2012 09:27 GMT
BRUSSELS, Sept 25, 2012 (AFP) - The European Union is suspending new aid to Rwanda following allegations that the country is backing rebels in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, an EU spokesman said Tuesday.
"The EU is not interrupting ongoing projects, which are there to help the poor," said Michael Mann, spokesman for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton.
"But (it) is delaying decisions on additional budget support in the pipeline pending clarification of Rwanda's role and its constructive engagement in search of solutions."
The decision follows a report by experts of the UN Security Council's sanctions committee alleging Rwandan support for M23 rebels, who launched an uprising in April. The DR Congo government also accuses its neighbour of involvement.
Rwanda however has denied the charge and in turn accuses Kinshasa of backing a group of Hutu rebels who also operate in eastern DR Congo.
The M23 is led by Bosco Ntaganda, wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, and was formed by former fighters in an ethnic Tutsi rebel group integrated into the Congolese military in a 2009 peace deal.
Nearly half a million civilians have been displaced by the new conflict and there is growing pressure for progress to be made at a UN summit on the crisis to be held in New York on September 27.
Mann said Ashton had told Rwanda in talks this month "that we expect Rwanda to act constructively -- in words and actions -- for a lasting peace solution in the eastern DRC."
EU President Herman Van Rompuy will represent the 27-nation bloc at talks on the crisis in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly.
ccr/bmm/wat
© 1994-2012 Agence France-Presse
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Rwandans and Congolese should be allies, not enemies


 
 

Rwandans and Congolese should be allies, not enemies

September 24, 2012
by Eric Kamba
Protesters from Rwanda, Congo and Burundi denounce Gen. Paul Kagame outside the Boston hotel where he spoke to celebrate Rwanda Day, which writer Eric Kamba calls "a public relations fest for the repressive, criminal regime."
As African people and neighbors who are still struggling to recover from the ravages of colonialism, Rwandans and Congolese should be allies in lifting all of their people from poverty to decent living standards, literacy and dignity. It's time for dialogue between Rwandan and Congolese people of like mind to finally end the 16-year war between our two armies and their various ancillary or surrogate militias. The vast majority of both of our people need democracy, political space, economic opportunity and a common share in their countries' resource wealth.
This year's Rwanda Day, a public relations fest for the repressive, criminal regime of Gen. Paul Kagame, was thrown in Boston, Massachusetts, at the Westin Copley Place Hotel, from Sept. 21 to 22, 2012. When Gen. Kagame appeared at 3 p.m. to make his usual speech about economic growth and development, protestors from Rwanda, Congo and Burundi awaited him on the streets outside the hotel to remind him that his economic "development" has not benefited the majority of Rwandans – or the Congolese affected by his invasions of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
I attended the demonstration and was pleased to meet not only Congolese but also Rwandan and Burundian people who all want to see Gen. Kagame's military dictatorship come to an end and see peace in the region.
Kagame's regime is all about image and perception by his Western friends. While he travels the world in private jets, lives in luxury at the finest hotels, and draws a salary more than twice that of the Russian president and more than that of the UK prime minister, 70 percent of the Rwandan population live in extreme poverty.
Rwanda's imprisoned opposition leaders Victoire Ingabire, Déogratias Mushayidi and Bernard Ntaganda have been nominated for the European Parliament's Sakharov Prize.
Kagame assassinates or imprisons any real critics or challengers to his regime. On Sept. 12, three of the country's imprisoned opposition leaders, Victoire Ingabire, Déogratias Mushayidi and Bernard Ntaganda, were nominated for the European Parliament's Sakharov Prize, which was created in 1988 to honor individuals or organizations who have dedicated their lives to the defense of human rights and freedom of thought.
People inside Rwanda are continuously harassed by government, and prominent Kagame opponents have been assassinated in Kenya, South Africa, Congo and Tanzania. In May 2011, the London Metropolitan Police warned Rwandan citizens that they believed Rwandan nationals had entered the country intending to kill them.
"I hope that the next generation of Rwandan and Congolese children will walk arm in arm to improve their lives and those of all African people." – Eric Kamba
Fourteen years of U.N. reports have documented Gen. Kagame and his army and allies' invasions and plunder of Rwanda's neighbor, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The most recently pubished U.N. report accused Rwanda of being the power behind the M23 rebel group that this year renewed the war in Congo's eastern provinces, which has already cost over 6 million lives.
Can Gen. Kagame sustain the so-called "development" that he so endlessly drones on about without making war in Congo and plundering its resources?
I don't believe so. But I do believe that Rwandans and Congolese can unite, as neighbors and as African people, to end the war and the repressive regimes waging it.
Eric Kamba is an activist and a social worker with the Boston-based Congolese Development Center. He says he cannot safely return to his home in the Democratic Republic of Congo so long as Joseph Kabila remains in power. Eric can be reached at ekamba@aol.com.
 


21 Sep 2012

Lettre au Vice-président de la Banque mondiale pour la Région Afrique concernant le Rwanda

Letter to World Bank Vice President for Africa On Rwanda
September 5, 2012
 
Mr. Makhtar Diop
Vice President for Africa
World Bank
1818 H Street, NW
Washington, DC 20433 USA

Cc: Ms. Carrie Turk, Country Manager, Rwanda
Board of Executive Directors

Re: Concerns About World Bank Financing in Rwanda

Dear Vice President Diop,

I am writing to urge the World Bank to review its programing in Rwanda in light of detailed evidence of human rights abuses by the Rwandan government and the Rwandan military's support for armed groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) responsible for serious human rights violations. 

Human Rights Watch is an independent, nongovernmental organization that monitors human rights developments in more than 90 countries around the world. For more than 30 years Human Rights Watch has investigated and reported on human rights abuses by governments and non-state actors such as businesses and opposition armed groups. We have advocated for enhanced protection of economic, social and cultural rights, as well as civil and political rights.
 
 
 

Rwanda : Lettre au Vice-président de la Banque mondiale pour la Région Afrique concernant le Rwanda
Préoccupations relatives à la situation des droits humains au Rwanda et au soutien militaire rwandais au groupe armé M23 en RD Congo
5 septembre 2012
Le gouvernement rwandais a bénéficié d'un fort soutien de la Banque mondiale, malgré les preuves évidentes de son mépris des droits humains fondamentaux à l'échelle nationale ainsi que dans le pays voisin, la RD Congo.
M. Makhtar Diop
Vice-président pour l'Afrique
Banque mondiale
1818 H Street, NW
Washington, DC 20433 USA

Cc : Mme Carrie Turk, Chef-pays pour le Rwanda
Conseil des Administrateurs

Objet: Préoccupations relatives au financement par la Banque mondiale de programmes au Rwanda

Monsieur le Vice-président Diop,

Je vous écris pour exhorter la Banque mondiale à revoir sa programmation au Rwanda au vu de preuves détaillées d'atteintes aux droits humains commises par le gouvernement rwandais et du soutien par l'armée rwandaise de groupes armés en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) responsables de graves violations de droits humains.

Human Rights Watch est une organisation non gouvernementale indépendante qui surveille l'évolution des droits humains dans plus de 90 pays à travers le monde. Depuis plus de 30 ans, Human Rights Watch mène des recherches et rend compte des atteintes aux droits humains commises par les gouvernements et les acteurs non étatiques tels que les entreprises et les groupes d'opposition armés. Nous plaidons pour une meilleure protection des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels, ainsi que des droits civils et politiques.

Le Rwanda a connu une croissance économique importante depuis le génocide de 1994 et des hausses des indicateurs de développement, en partie grâce à l'appui et à l'assistance de la Banque mondiale et d'autres bailleurs de fonds.[1] Cependant, ces acquis ont été sapés par la répression politique, notamment des violations systématiques des droits à la liberté d'expression, d'association et de réunion. En outre, l'armée rwandaise a continué de soutenir des groupes rebelles armés responsables d'exactions dans la RDC voisine, en violation de l'embargo sur les armes des Nations Unies. Veuillez vous rapporter à un aperçu ci-joint des principales préoccupations de Human Rights Watch relatives aux droits humains au Rwanda, qui revêtent une importance particulière quant au développement du pays et au mandat de la Banque mondiale.

Le gouvernement rwandais a bénéficié d'un fort soutien de la Banque mondiale, malgré les preuves évidentes de son mépris des droits humains fondamentaux à l'échelle nationale ainsi que dans le pays voisin, la RD Congo. La Banque mondiale est l'un des bailleurs de fonds les plus importants au Rwanda, avec un portefeuille de prêts de près de 300 millions de dollars US dans des projets actifs en mars 2012, dont plus de 100 millions de dollars US fournis au titre de soutien budgétaire général chaque année. En outre, la Banque mondiale a accordé environ 88 millions de dollars US de fonds fiduciaires au Rwanda. La Banque mondiale met l'accent sur les secteurs clés de l'agriculture, de l'énergie, des transports, du développement des compétences, de la démobilisation et de la réinsertion, ainsi que du développement du secteur privé.[2] Un objectif important de l'engagement de la Banque mondiale a été de veiller à ce que les Rwandais les plus vulnérables bénéficient de la croissance.

La Banque mondiale a évité d'émettre des préoccupations publiques sur les violations de droits humains de la part du gouvernement rwandais. Cela montre un manque de respect des obligations en matière de droits humains de la Banque mondiale en tant qu'institution spécialisée des Nations Unies ainsi que des obligations de droits humains des actionnaires de la Banque mondiale, lorsqu'ils siègent au conseil d'administration.[3]

En ce qui concerne la Stratégie de développement économiqueet de réduction de la pauvreté (SDERP) du Rwanda, le gouvernement rwandais ne peut pas être considéré comme ayant été à la hauteur de son « programme phare » de gouvernance, au cours duquel il était censé non seulement respecter les droits humains et l'État de droit, mais également permettre aux citoyens de participer à leur propre développement social, politique et économique. Compte tenu du fait que l'ajustement avec la SDERP est l'un des principes directeurs du soutien de la Banque mondiale, nous estimons que celle-ci devrait faire davantage d'efforts pour mettre en évidence le fossé entre les engagements du Rwanda au regard de la SDERP et la réalité quotidienne dans le pays, telle que nous la décrivons dans le résumé des préoccupations ci-joint.

En juillet et août 2012, plusieurs grands bailleurs de fonds au Rwanda, notamment les États-Unis, les Pays-Bas, le Royaume-Uni, l'Allemagne et la Suède, ont suspendu ou retardé une partie de leur aide au Rwanda suite à la publication d'un rapport du Groupe d'experts des Nations Unies documentant la fourniture d'armes, de munitions, de recrues et d'autres formes de soutien par des responsables militaires rwandais au groupe armé congolais M23 en violation de l'embargo sur les armes des Nations Unies sur la RD Congo. L'un des principaux leaders du M23 est Bosco Ntaganda, un chef de guerre congolais devenu général de l'armée recherché pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité par la Cour pénale internationale. D'autres bailleurs de fonds sont également en train de revoir leur politique d'aide pour le Rwanda. La Banque mondiale devrait sérieusement prendre en compte l'effet déstabilisateur des actions du Rwanda dans la région du fait de son soutien à des groupes armés responsables de graves atteintes aux droits humains en RD Congo.

Human Rights Watch exhorte la Banque mondiale à :
  • Soulever auprès du gouvernement rwandais les préoccupations relatives aux graves violations de droits humains au Rwanda et au soutien militaire rwandais persistant pour des groupes armés qui commettent des violations de droits humains en RD Congo, à la fois publiquement et en privé. Informer le gouvernement rwandais que dans le cas où il omettrait de prendre des mesures immédiates pour répondre à ces préoccupations, cela remettra de plus en plus en question sa relation avec la Banque mondiale.
  • Examiner l'appui budgétaire direct au Rwanda compte tenu du soutien militaire rwandais persistant au M23, un groupe rebelle congolais responsable de graves violations de droits humains dont les dirigeants présentent un historique bien établi de crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité, ainsi que de violations de droits humains au Rwanda, en particulier des violations des droits à la liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association, tout en continuant à soutenir les besoins sociaux urgents par d'autres systèmes de financement.
  • Revoir tous les programmes de la Banque mondiale et les projets au Rwanda pour s'assurer que les fonds de la Banque mondiale ne contribuent pas à des atteintes aux droits humains, directement ou indirectement, que ce soit au Rwanda ou en RD Congo. Renforcer le contrôle et le suivi de tous les projets, en tenant compte des défis de contrôle et de surveillance posés par l'absence continue de liberté d'expression. En particulier :
  • Réexaminer le soutien aux projets de démobilisation et de réinsertion compte tenu des informations selon lesquelles d'anciens combattants démobilisés ont été à nouveau recrutés au Rwanda et envoyés en RD Congo pour soutenir le M23.
  • Réexaminer  le financement du Ministère de l'administration locale à la suite de son rôle ayant contribué à empêcher l'enregistrement de deux partis politiques d'opposition avant les élections de 2010. Informer le gouvernement rwandais que la Banque mondiale ne financera pas directement ou indirectement ce ministère dans le cas où il continuerait à empêcher des partis d'opposition de s'enregistrer dans la préparation des prochaines élections législatives en 2013. 
Je souhaiterais également solliciter une rencontre avec vous-même et vos collègues pour discuter de ces questions, à votre convenance en septembre.

Avec l'assurance de mes sentiments les meilleurs,
Jessica Evans
Conseillère / Chercheuse senior pour les Institutions financières internationales
Human Rights Watch
------------------
Rwanda: Aperçu des principales préoccupations de droits humains particulièrement pertinentes au programme de la Banque mondiale
Septembre 2012

Soutien militaire rwandais de groupes armés congolais impliqués dans des crimes de guerre
L'armée rwandaise a une longue histoire d'engagement dans le conflit en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) voisine. En 1996, les troupes rwandaises ont envahi l'est de la RDC et tué un grand nombre de réfugiés rwandais et de civils congolais. Depuis ce temps-là, elles ont soutenu une succession de groupes armés congolais qui ont commis de graves violations de droits humains contre les civils dans l'est de la RDC, notamment lors de la « seconde guerre » de la RDC de 1998 à 2003, puis à nouveau en 2004 et en 2007-2008 quand elles ont soutenu le Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP).[4] Parmi ces exactions, figuraient les meurtres de civils, la violence sexuelle, le recrutement forcé d'enfants, les arrestations arbitraires et la torture. Le long conflit armé en RDC, qui se poursuit dans l'est du pays, a provoqué des déplacements massifs de population et une crise humanitaire. Une diversité de groupes armés congolais, ainsi que des membres de l'armée congolaise, continuent de commettre de graves exactions.[5]

L'exemple le plus récent de l'engagement militaire rwandais en RDC est son soutien pour le M23, un groupe armé congolais qui a été impliqué dans des atteintes aux droits humains et des violations des lois de la guerre. Un des principaux leaders du M23 est Bosco Ntaganda, un chef de guerre congolais devenu général de l'armée qui fait l'objet d'un mandat d'arrêt émis par la Cour pénale internationale pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité commis entre 2002 et 2004. À la fin de mars 2012, environ 600 à 800 soldats de l'armée congolaise se sont mutinés dans l'est de la RDC, affirmant qu'un accord de paix signé le 23 mars 2009, qui les avait intégrés dans l'armée nationale, n'avait pas été pleinement mis en œuvre. En mai 2012, les mutins ont créé un nouveau groupe armé appelé le M23, qui a bénéficié de l'appui de l'armée rwandaise sous la forme d'armes, de munitions, de recrues et de renforts des troupes périodiques. Bosco Ntaganda a pu éviter d'être arrêté et transféré à la Cour pénale internationale grâce au soutien des autorités militaires rwandaises, qui lui ont permis d'entrer au Rwanda à plusieurs reprises sans être inquiété.[6]

Human Rights Watch a continué à recevoir des informations crédibles sur le soutien militaire rwandais au M23 en juillet 2012, notamment la fourniture continue d'armes, de munitions et de recrues. Des soldats et des officiers rwandais ont également été déployés pour soutenir le M23 dans des opérations offensives et pour former les nouvelles recrues.[7]

Dans sa Stratégie d'aide-pays (CAS) pour le Rwanda pour la période 2009-2012, la Banque mondiale reconnaît les « risques potentiels pour les pays voisins de la région, notamment la menace de conflit et d'instabilité politique dans la région » et que « les progrès du Rwanda dans la construction de la sécurité intérieure et de la stabilité politique sont ... vulnérables à l'instabilité politique continue dans l'est de la RDC  ». Cependant, la Banque mondiale ne reconnaît pas que l'armée rwandaise a activement contribué au conflit et à l'instabilité.

La Banque suggère en outre que ses programmes sur la démobilisation et la réinsertion « pourraient contribuer à atténuer ce risque ». Pourtant, ces derniers mois, d'anciennes recrues du M23 et d'autres sources dans l'est de la RDC ont informé Human Rights Watch que parmi les individus recrutés au Rwanda pour appuyer le M23 en RDC figuraient des combattants démobilisés des FDLR[8] et du CNDP, ainsi que des soldats démobilisés de l'armée rwandaise. Certains de ces anciens combattants ont été incités par des coordinateurs de démobilisation ou d'autres anciens combattants à assister à des réunions des combattants démobilisés, ce qu'ils ont fait dans l'espoir de recevoir un soutien financier ou de trouver un emploi. Au lieu de cela, ils ont été emmenés de l'autre côté de la frontière pour rejoindre le M23 en RDC.[9] Des autorités militaires rwandaises ont également recruté plusieurs centaines d'enfants âgés de moins de 18 ans par la force ou sous de faux prétextes au Rwanda, leur ont fourni des armes et les ont escortés à travers la frontière en RDC comme nouvelles recrues pour le M23. Certains des enfants étaient âgés de moins de 15 ans. Un certain nombre de ces enfants ont ensuite été sommairement exécutés par les commandants du M23 lorsqu'ils ont cherché à s'échapper.[10]

Absence d'un environnement favorable à la participation civique et la responsabilité sociale
La Banque mondiale reconnaît de plus en plus l'importance de la participation citoyenne et la responsabilité sociale pour un développement durable.[11] La liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association fait partie intégrante de la participation civique, pourtant la Banque mondiale n'a pas soulevé d'inquiétudes quant à la violation persistante par le gouvernement rwandais de ces droits de manière efficace, que ce soit publiquement ou par l'intermédiaire de ses documents de programmation. Comme il est précisé ci-dessous, la répression du gouvernement rwandais n'a laissé pratiquement aucun journaliste indépendant au Rwanda et a considérablement affaibli la société civile indépendante.

Le gouvernement rwandais a régulièrement harcelé, menacé, arrêté et accusé les journalistes et autres personnes perçues comme critiques d'infractions pénales pour avoir dénoncé de façon critique de la conduite du gouvernement. Des accusations telles que
« l'idéologie du génocide », l'atteinte à la sûreté de l'État et l'incitation à la désobéissance publique ont été utilisées pour poursuivre les détracteurs du gouvernement. Un grand nombre de Rwandais vivent dans la peur de parler de certains événements ou d'exprimer des opinions qui peuvent les conduire en prison. Le Haut Conseil des médias (un organisme aligné avec le gouvernement en charge de la régulation des médias) a suspendu en 2010 deux des journaux les plus populaires, Umuseso et Umuvugizi, et leurs rédacteurs en chef et journalistes ont été jugés pour des accusations de diffamation.[12] L'un des journalistes d'Umuvugizi, Jean-Léonard Rugambage, a été assassiné en juin 2010.[13] Deux journalistes du journal Umurabyo, Agnès Uwimana et Saidati Mukakibibi, purgent actuellement des peines de prison en lien avec des articles publiés dans leur journal ; les peines initiales de 17 et 7 ans ont été réduites à 4 et 3 ans en appel, mais les deux femmes sont toujours en prison.[14] Plusieurs autres journalistes ont été arrêtés et poursuivis pour des infractions diverses, aussi récemment qu'en 2012.[15] La plupart des journalistes limitent désormais leur travail à rendre compte de sujets non controversés. Les nouvelles lois sur les médias comportent quelques améliorations, comme la réduction de lourdes restrictions administratives et financières pesant sur les journalistes et l'introduction de l'autorégulation par les médias, mais en termes de risques encourus par les journalistes dans l'exercice de leur profession, dans la pratique, peu de choses ont changé.

La société civile indépendante rwandaise a également été grandement affaiblie. L'hostilité du gouvernement envers les organisations de défense des droits humains signifie que les organisations rwandaises disposent de peu de latitude pour dénoncer les abus commis par l'État. Des dispositions administratives contraignantes, les menaces et l'intimidation des défenseurs des droits humains, combinées avec un certain degré d'autocensure, ont fait en sorte que peu de groupes de la société civile rwandaise critiquent publiquement le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits humains.[16]

Le gouvernement a réagi de manière agressive à l'égard d'organisations internationales de défense des droits humains, dont Human Rights Watch, ainsi que des organismes des Nations Unies et d'autres groupes ayant publié des rapports critiques.[17] Cela a été démontré tout récemment, par la réaction de colère du gouvernement au rapport intérimaire du Groupe d'experts de l'ONU sur la République démocratique du Congo en juin 2012, évoqué ci-dessus.[18] Une réponse similaire a caractérisé la réaction du gouvernement au « rapport de mapping  » de l'ONU publié en 2010 par le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les droits de l'homme, qui décrivait, entre autres, les crimes graves commis par les troupes rwandaises en RDC, ainsi que par les groupes armés congolais soutenus par le Rwanda, en 1996 et 1997.[19] La réponse du gouvernement à ces rapports consiste généralement en dénégations catégoriques de toutes les allégations d'atteintes aux droits humains, en tentatives pour discréditer les organisations publiant ces rapports, et en attaques personnelles réitérées contre leurs auteurs, en particulier à travers les médias.[20]

Le gouvernement a utilisé une loi controversée de 2008 sur « l'idéologie du génocide » pour cibler les détracteurs présumés du gouvernement.[21] Le Parlement étudie actuellement une version révisée de la loi qui propose de répondre aux préoccupations concernant la définition trop large de « l'idéologie du génocide » et de réduire les peines prescrites. Cependant, la nouvelle loi, si celle-ci est adoptée dans sa forme proposée, conserverait la notion de « l'idéologie du génocide » comme une infraction pénale passible d'une peine d'emprisonnement, et demeure propice aux abus, en particulier dans le contexte actuel de répression politique et de restrictions sur la liberté d'expression. Au lieu de soulever des préoccupations à ce sujet, la Banque mondiale, dans son CAS pour la période 2009-2012, semble avoir tout simplement accepté l'affirmation du gouvernement selon laquelle « l'idéologie du génocide » persiste ou a resurgi.[22]

Dans son CAS de 2009-2012, la Banque mondiale reconnaît l'importance de la participation et l'autonomisation civiques, de la transparence et de la responsabilité, mais elle omet de mettre en évidence le fait que la répression gouvernementale est l'obstacle majeur pour y parvenir.[23]Elle met plutôt l'accent sur l'accès à l'information sur les politiques et les programmes gouvernementaux et la nécessité de consolider la capacité des organisations de la société civile, et note aveuglément que les organisations de la société civile ont considérablement augmenté en nombre sans faire remarquer que leur indépendance est gravement compromise.

Croissance économique sans libertés politiques
La Banque mondiale a omis de soulever des inquiétudes de manière constructive quant aux risques potentiels que la répression politique du gouvernement rwandais pose pour un développement durable. Dans son étude de cas sur le Rwanda pour le World Development Report 2011, Omar McDoom affirme que « la paix est plus susceptible de durer si l'espace politique du Rwanda est progressivement ouvert » et « la stabilité post-conflit fondée sur la croissance économique et un fort leadership – mais sans libéralisation politique à long terme – peut avoir une durée limitée et une fin probablement dramatique. » Il conclut que la réussite du développement du Rwanda est fragile car elle repose sur la continuité du règne du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR) : « La durabilité à long terme de la paix dépend également de l'ouverture progressive de l'espace politique et de la déconcentration du pouvoir entre les mains de l'élite au pouvoir pour permettre aux institutions d'État du Rwanda et à la société civile et politique de se transformer en contrepoids responsables et indépendants au régime. En l'absence d'un tel changement dans la culture politique, les perspectives du Rwanda pour un changement pacifique et constitutionnel du régime un jour peuvent être diminuées et les réalisations remarquables de l'actuel régime après le génocide annulées. »[24]

Le FPR continue à monopoliser la scène politique et à contrôler presque toutes les institutions aux niveaux national et local. Le président Paul Kagame a remporté les élections présidentielles de 2010 avec plus de 93% des voix ; les quelques candidats rivaux appartenaient tous à des partis qui étaient largement en faveur du FPR. La période pré-électorale de 2010 a été marquée par une forte augmentation des actes d'intimidation et des attaques contre les opposants et les critiques.[25] Des tendances similaires ont caractérisé les précédentes élections présidentielles en 2003 et les élections législatives en 2008.[26] Les prochaines élections législatives sont prévues pour 2013, et au moment de la rédaction de ce document, il n'y a aucune indication que le gouvernement envisage d'ouvrir l'espace politique à une opposition significative. Le gouvernement rwandais a continué à persécuter les opposants politiques réels ou supposés depuis les élections de 2010, en 2011 et 2012.

Il n'existe pas de partis d'opposition qui fonctionnent au Rwanda. Les autorités locales et la police ont empêché l'enregistrement de deux des trois partis politiques qui auraient pu se présenter aux élections de 2010 (les FDU-Inkingi, le PS-Imberakuri et le Parti démocratique vert).[27] Au moment de la rédaction de ce document, ces partis ne sont toujours pas enregistrés. Le troisième (le PS-Imberakuri) a été repris par une faction favorable au FPR qui a renversé le président du parti, Bernard Ntaganda. Bernard Ntaganda et la présidente des FDU-Inkingi, Victoire Ingabire, sont actuellement en prison. Ntaganda purge une peine de quatre ans pour atteinte à la sûreté nationale et divisionnisme, alors que le jugement dans le procès de Victoire Ingabire est prévu pour septembre 2012.[28] Des membres de niveau inférieur de leurs partis ont également été arrêtés et détenus à plusieurs reprises et ont continué de faire l'objet de harcèlement de la part du gouvernement et du parti au pouvoir. Le vice-président du Parti démocratique vert a été assassiné en juillet 2010, conduisant son président à fuir le pays.[29] Deux ans plus tard, personne n'a encore été mis en accusation pour son meurtre.

Même en exil, la sécurité des supposés opposants ou détracteurs n'est pas garantie. En juin 2010, le général Kayumba Nyamwasa, un ancien allié proche du président Kagame devenu son adversaire déclaré, a échappé de justesse à une tentative d'assassinat en Afrique du Sud. En mai 2011, la police métropolitaine de Londres a officiellement averti deux Rwandais vivant au Royaume-Uni au sujet de menaces crédibles à leur encontre émanant du gouvernement rwandais. En novembre 2011, un homme armé non identifié dans la capitale ougandaise Kampala a abattu un journaliste rwandais vivant en Ouganda, connu pour être critique envers le gouvernement.[30]

La Banque mondiale a omis de soulever des préoccupations concernant la répression politique par le gouvernement rwandais et les risques que celle-ci présente pour le développement durable. Au contraire, dans son CAS pour la période 2009-2012, elle a noté que « l'approche rwandaise de la promotion de politiques et d'une gouvernance inclusives et stables semble fonctionner ». Dans la section intitulée « Gestion des
risques », elle a indiqué une prévision exagérément optimiste pour les élections de 2010 et suggéré que les élections de 2010 fourniraient une « nouvelle occasion d'approfondir le processus de démocratisation du Rwanda ». En tenant compte du fait qu'il n'y a pas eu d'élections démocratiques, libres ou équitables au Rwanda depuis que le gouvernement à dominance FPR est arrivé au pouvoir, cette analyse était gravement inopportune. Malheureusement, comme illustré ci-dessus et dans les documents référencés dans le présent exposé, les événements de 2010 ont prouvé que peu de choses avaient changé en termes de refus du FPR d'ouvrir l'espace politique.

Manque d'indépendance du système judiciaire
Un certain nombre de réformes juridiques ont amélioré les performances et l'efficacité du système judiciaire au Rwanda. Cependant, ce système souffre toujours d'un manque d'indépendance, et le gouvernement a interféré avec le déroulement et l'issue d'un certain nombre de procès, en particulier dans les affaires de nature politique, comme les poursuites contre des politiciens de l'opposition et des journalistes mentionnés ci-dessus.

En outre, Human Rights Watch a documenté des cas de détention illégale et de torture dans des lieux de détention militaires. Les juges traitant de telles affaires n'ont pas ordonné d'enquêtes sur les allégations des accusés selon lesquelles ils avaient été illégalement détenus ou torturés, et ils n'ont pas pris en compte ces allégations en prononçant leur jugement.[31]

Les avocats sont réticents à prendre en charge des affaires relatives à la sécurité de l'État, aux questions politiques, la liberté des médias et l'idéologie du génocide, ainsi que les affaires dans lesquelles les suspects ont été détenus illégalement, ce qui limite le droit de l'accusé à une représentation juridique. De nombreux prévenus dans ce genre d'affaires se voient réclamer des honoraires exorbitants qu'ils ne peuvent généralement pas se permettre, afin de compenser ce risque.

Les tribunaux communautaires gacaca, chargés de juger les affaires liées au génocide, ont achevé leurs travaux en 2012. Ils ont jugé plus de 1,2 million d'affaires depuis 2005. Ils laissent derrière eux un héritage mitigé, avec un certain nombre de réalisations positives – notamment leur travail rapide, la large participation de la population locale, et la révélation d'informations sur les événements de 1994 – ainsi que de violations du droit à un procès équitable, d'intimidation de témoins et de corruption de juges et d'autres parties.[32] Malheureusement, le CAS de la Banque mondiale n'a pas reconnu le caractère mitigé de cet héritage, affirmant seulement que le système des juridictions gacaca « bénéficie d'une large approbation de la population. » Selon des recherches approfondies menées sur le terrain et des observations des procès gacaca  par Human Rights Watch,  les opinions sur gacaca sont très divisées, un grand nombre de Rwandais exprimant une insatisfaction profonde concernant ce processus.[33]


[1]Selon la Banque mondiale, le PIB est passé de 2,6 milliards de dollars US en 1990 à 6,38 milliards de dollars US en 2011. Le taux de mortalité pour les moins de 5 ans est passé de 177 pour 1 000 naissances en 2000 à 91 en 2010, l'espérance de vie est passée de 47 en 2000 à 55 en 2010, et l'achèvement de l'enseignement primaire est passé de 23% en 2000 à 70% en 2010. Toutefois, le Groupe d'évaluation indépendant de la Banque mondiale a remarqué dans son examen de 2008 que « les seules preuves de la réduction de la pauvreté montrent peu de progrès. » Certaines études académiques ont signalé des inégalités croissantes et un écart grandissant entre riches et pauvres, ainsi qu'entre les populations urbaines et rurales (voir par exemple An Ansoms, « Resurrection after Civil War and Genocide: Growth, Poverty and Inequality in Post-Conflict Rwanda », in European Journal of Development Research, 17, no.3, 2005, et « Striving for Growth, Bypassing the Poor? A Critical Review of Rwanda's Rural Sector Policies », in Journal of Modern African Studies, 46, no.1, 2008).
[2]Le Groupe de la Banque mondiale, « Results Profile: Rwanda », non daté, http://go.worldbank.org/UEKJXU1SH0 (consulté le 5 septembre 2012).
[3]La Banque mondiale est une agence spécialisée de l'ONU au sens de l'article 57 de la Charte de l'ONU. Selon l'article 55 de la Charte de l'ONU, les Nations Unies doivent promouvoir le respect universel et  l'observance des droits humains et des libertés fondamentales pour tous, sans distinction de race, de sexe, de langue ou de religion. Comme l'a reconnu l'ancien conseiller général de la Banque mondiale Ibrahim Shihata, « Les obligations des membres au regard de la Charte de l'ONU prévalent sur leurs autres obligations de traités, notamment leurs obligations envers les conventions de la Banque [mondiale], par la force d'une clause explicite contenue dans la Charte de l'ONU (Article 103) ». Voir Ibrahim Shihata (ed.) « Exclusion of Political Considerations in the Bank's Articles – Its Meaning and Scope in the Context of the Institution's Evolution », in The World Bank in a Changing World: Selected Essays and Lectures, vol. II, ed. Ibrahim Shihata (Dorderecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1991), 76.
[4]Voir Human Rights Watch, DR Congo – « Vous serez punis » Attaques contre les civils dans l'est du Congo, 13 décembre 2009, http://www.hrw.org/fr/reports/2009/12/13/vous-serez-punis-0; et Human Rights Watch, DR Congo – Nouvelle crise au Nord-Kivu, 24 octobre 2007, http://www.hrw.org/fr/reports/2007/10/23/nouvelle-crise-au-nord-kivu.
[5]Pour plus d'informations, voir rapports et communiqués de presse de Human Rights Watch disponibles à http://www.hrw.org/fr/drc  ; et Bureau du Haut Commissariat de l'ONU aux droits de l'homme, « Rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo», août 2010, http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/ZR/DRC_MAPPING_REPORT_FINAL_FR.pdf (consulté le 31 août 2012).
[6]Pour plus de détails, voir « RD Congo : Le Rwanda doit cesser d'aider un criminel de guerre présumé », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch,  4 juin 2012, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2012/06/03/rd-congo-le-rwanda-doit-cesser-d-aider-un-criminel-de-guerre-pr-sum-0; et Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, « Rapport d'étape du Groupe d'experts de l'ONU », S/2012/348, 21 juin 2012, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2012/348&referer=http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1533/egroup.shtml&Lang=F (consulté le 28 août 2012) et  « Additif », S/2012/348/Add.1, 27 juin 2912, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2012/348/Add.1&referer=/english/&Lang=F  (consulté le 28 août 2012).
[7]Entretiens menés par Human Rights Watch dans divers lieux de l'est de la RDC, juillet et août 2012.
[8]Les Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda (FDLR) sont un groupe armé opérant en RD Congo, dont les membres sont majoritairement rwandais et comprennent des individus qui ont pris part au génocide rwandais en 1994.
[9]Voir « RD Congo : Le Rwanda doit cesser d'aider un criminel de guerre présumé », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 4 juin 2012, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2012/06/03/rd-congo-le-rwanda-doit-cesser-d-aider-un-criminel-de-guerre-pr-sum-0.
[10]Entretiens menés par Human Rights Watch dans divers lieux de l'est de la RDC, juillet et août 2012.
[11]Voir par exemple, Groupe de la Banque mondiale, « World Bank Global Partnership on Social Accountability Approved by Board of Executive Directors », 25 juin 2012, http://go.worldbank.org/LRLHHQMA30l (consulté le 31 août 2012). Voir aussi le discours marquant de l'ancien président de la Banque mondiale Robert Zoellick en avril 2011, « The Middle East and North Africa: A New Social Contract for Development », 6 avril 2011, http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2011/04/06/middle-east-north-africa-new-social-contract-development (consulté le 31 août 2012).
[12]« Rwanda : Il faut mettre fin aux attaques contre les journalistes et les opposants », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 26 juin 2010, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2010/06/26/rwanda-il-faut-mettre-fin-aux-attaques-contre-les-journalistes-et-les-opposants.
[13]Ibid.
[14]Voir « Rwanda : Confirmation de la peine prononcée contre un dirigeant de l'opposition», communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 27 avril 2012, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2012/04/27/rwanda-confirmation-de-la-peine-prononc-e-contre-un-dirigeant-de-l-opposition.
[15]Au moment de la rédaction de ce document en septembre 2012, Stanley Gatera, rédacteur en chef du journal Umusingi, se trouve en détention dans l'attente de son procès sur des accusations de discrimination et de sectarisme en lien avec un article d'opinion publié dans son journal ; Idriss Gasana Byringiro,un journaliste de The Chronicles, est en attente de procès pour avoir soi-disant menti à la police après avoir fait état de son propre enlèvement, délit passible d'une peine de cinq ans de prison ; et en juin 2012 un journaliste de radio, Tusiime Annonciata de Flash FM, a été frappé jusqu'à perdre connaissance par des personnels de police et de la sécurité devant le Parlement. Les journalistes continuent à fuir le pays.
[16]Voir Human Rights Watch, Rapport mondial 2012, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2012) Rwanda, http://www.hrw.org/fr/world-report-2012/rwanda; Human Rights Watch, Rapport mondial 2011, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011) Rwanda, http://www.hrw.org/fr/world-report-2011/rwanda-0.
[17]En 2010, des autorités de l'immigration ont annulé le permis de travail de la chercheuse senior de Human Rights Watch sur le Rwanda, la forçant à quitter le pays. Voir « Rwanda : Les autorités devraient permettre à Human Rights Watch de poursuivre son travail », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 23 avril 2010, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2010/04/24/rwanda-les-autorit-s-devraient-permettre-human-rights-watch-de-poursuivre-son-travai.
[18]Voir Ministère rwandais des affaires étrangères et de la coopération, « Rwanda's Response to the Allegations Contained in the Addendum to the UN Group of Experts Interim Report », 27 juillet 2012, http://www.minaffet.gov.rw/fileadmin/templates/minaffet/doc/Rwanda%27s%20Response.pdf (consulté le 31 août 2012).
[19]Voir Ministère rwandais des affaires étrangères et de la coopération, « Official Government of Rwanda Comments on the Draft UN Mapping Report on the DRC », 30 septembre 2010, consultable à http://www.minaffet.gov.rw/fileadmin/templates/minaffet/doc/official_government.pdf (consulté le 5 septembre 2012).
[20]Par exemple, fin août 2012, la ministre rwandaise des affaires étrangères a déclaré lors d'une rencontre avec des diplomates à Kigali que le coordinateur du Groupe d'experts de l'ONU était un sympathisant des FDLR. Elle a fait une déclaration similaire devant le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU à New York le 29 août 2012. Voir « Mushikiwabo's remarks to UN Security Council on DRC », New Times, 30 août 2012, http://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/index.php?i=15100&a=57680(consulté le 31 août 2012).
[21]Loi N° 18/2008 du 23/07/2008 portant répression du crime d'idéologie du génocide, 23 juillet 2008.
[22]Voir le Groupe de la Banque mondiale, « Country Assistance Strategy for the Republic of Rwanda for the period of FY09-FY12 », 7 août 2008, p.13, Para. 53. « There are nevertheless concerns about killings of genocide survivors by perpetrators who had been released and the persistence/resurgence of what the Government has termed 'genocide ideology.' »
[23]La Banque mondiale reconnaît cependant, et c'est important, qu'elle devrait donner l'exemple en fournissant un accès à l'information sur ses propres opérations, en consultant largement par le biais de ses propres mécanismes et en diffusant efficacement des documents analytiques.
[24]Omar McDoom, « Rwanda's exit pathway from violence: a strategic assessment », avril 2011, World Development Report 2011, Background Case Study. Pour des articles de divers auteurs sur différents aspects du Rwanda d'après le génocide, voir « Remaking Rwanda: State Building and Human Rights after Mass Violence », ed. Scott Straus and Lars Waldorf (University of Wisconsin Press, 2011).
[25]Voir chronologie de Human Rights Watch, « Rwanda: Les voix critiques réduites au silence à l'approche des élections »,
2 août 2010, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2010/08/02/rwanda-atteintes-aux-libert-s-d-expression-d-association-et-de-r-union-l-approche-de
[26]Voir Human Rights Watch, Rapport mondial 2009, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009) Rwanda, http://www.hrw.org/fr/world-report-2009/rwanda-0; et Human Rights Watch, Rwanda – La préparation des élections : Resserrer l'étau au nom de l'unité, 8 mai 2003, http://www.hrw.org/fr/reports/2003/05/08/la-pr-paration-des-lections.
[27]Voir Human Rights Watch, « Examen Périodique Universel : Rwanda, Soumission à la 10ème session du Conseil des Droits de l'Homme (Janvier 2011) », 5 juillet 2010, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2010/07/05/examen-p-riodique-universel-rwanda.
[28]Voir « Rwanda : Confirmation de la peine prononcée contre un dirigeant de l'opposition », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 27 avril 2012, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2012/04/27/rwanda-confirmation-de-la-peine-prononc-e-contre-un-dirigeant-de-l-opposition; « Rwanda : Peine de prison prononcée à l'encontre du dirigeant de l'opposition Bernard Ntaganda », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 11 février 2011, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2011/02/11/rwanda-peine-de-prison-prononc-e-l-encontre-du-dirigeant-de-l-opposition-bernard-nta.
[29]Voir « Rwanda : Le gouvernement devrait autoriser une autopsie indépendante du corps d'un opposant politique », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 21 juillet 2010, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2010/07/21/rwanda-le-gouvernement-devrait-autoriser-une-autopsie-ind-pendante-du-corps-dun-oppo.
[30]Voir « Ouganda/Rwanda : Il faut enquêter sur le meurtre d'un journaliste », communiqué de presse de Human Rights Watch, 6 décembre 2011, http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2011/12/06/ougandarwanda-il-faut-enqu-ter-sur-le-meurtre-dun-journaliste.
[31]Voir Human Rights Watch, Rapport mondial 2012 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2012), Rwanda, http://www.hrw.org/fr/world-report-2012/rwanda.
[32]Voir Human Rights Watch, Rwanda – Justice compromise : L'héritage des tribunaux communautaires gacaca du Rwanda,
31 mai 2011, http://www.hrw.org/fr/reports/2011/05/31/justice-compromise-0.
[33]Ibid. 
 
__._,_.___


-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

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This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.