The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

5 Oct 2011

BBC News: Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'

Subject: *DHR* BBC News: Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'
 


Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'

Paul Kagame in Paris - 11 September 2011Paul Kagame has always insisted extremist Hutus shot down the plane carrying Juvenal Habyarimana
A former ally of Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused him of complicity in the death of a former president which sparked the 1994 genocide.
Theogene Rudasingwa said he heard Mr Kagame boast in 1994 that he ordered the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana.
"By committing that kind of crime Kagame has the responsibility in the crime of genocide," he told the BBC.
President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in the attack.
Mr Rudasingwa, who lives in the US, has fallen out with Mr Kagame in recent years and was sentenced in absentia in March to a 24-year jail term for threatening state security and propagating ethnic divisions.
'Ridiculous'
Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus died in the genocide which began on the evening of 6 April 1994, after Mr Habyarimana and Burundi's leader died in the plane crash.
Hutu militias then began a campaign of orchestrated killing against Tutsis.
Continue reading the main story

"Start Quote

He has fully understood that an action like that one might trigger consequences"
End Quote Theogene Rudasingwa Former RPF secretary general
One hundred days later, the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriot Front rebel movement, led by Mr Kagame, captured Rwanda's capital, Kigali, prompting thousands of Hutus, including some of the killers, to flee into Democratic Republic of Congo.
In 2006, a French judge accused Mr Kagame and his allies of killing Mr Habyarimana - an allegation he dismissed as "ridiculous", insisting that extremist Hutus shot down the plane and blamed the RPF to provide a pretext for carrying out the premeditated slaughter.
But Mr Rudasingwa, the RPF's secretary general and a major at the time of the genocide, said in a statement released over the weekend on his Facebook page that despite public denials Mr Kagame was responsible.
He said the RPF leader was aware at the time of the implications of downing the plane.
"He has fully understood that an action like that one might trigger consequences which, as we know, in our country and the Great Lakes region actually produced that crime of genocide," Mr Rudasingwa told the BBC's Great Lakes Service.
'Lied for too long'
Mr Rudasingwa said he regretted that afterwards as Rwandan ambassador to the US he had promoted Mr Kagame's version of events.
"It is regrettable that I should have been one of the people who was instrumental in explaining and selling this version of the story about the killing of President Habyarimana, the president of Burundi and all the people who perished with them," he said.
Mr Rudasingwa, with other former RPF members, last year founded the Rwanda National Council, an organisation launched in exile in opposition to President Kagame's government.
He said he had waited a long time before deciding to talk about what really happened.
"I think the most important thing is that finally I have come out with the truth," he said.
"As to how long it has taken, it is two decades ago, but I think right now let's focus on seeing how this is the truth. But, yes, I've lied for too long."

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4 Oct 2011

Key political risks to watch in Rwanda

By Graham Holliday
Reuters
Mon Oct 3, 2011


KIGALI Oct 3 (Reuters) - It is just over a year since President Paul Kagame's landslide election win and observers cite the continuing lack of political space as a key issue to be addressed before the incumbent's final term ends in 2017.

Former chief of staff Kayumba Nyamwasa and a former chief of military intelligence, Patrick Karegyeya, who were sentenced to 20 years in jail in absentia by a military court formed the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) opposition party in December.

The trial of opposition politician Victoire Ingabire, leader of the unregistered FDU-Inkingi party, resumed on Sept. 7, 2011. She faces charges including denying the genocide, divisionism and working with a terrorist group.

The FDU-Inkingi party and the RNC formed a coalition at the beginning of 2011 and held a congress meeting in Washington in last month.

The 2011 Political Risk Map published by Oxford University and Aon in January lowered Rwanda's risk level from "High Risk" to "Medium-High Risk".

POLITICAL OPPONENTS

Kagame's election win underlined his domination of the political arena. He has been praised for restoring stability after the 1994 genocide and engineering Rwanda's rapid economic recovery and its vision to be a middle-income country by 2020.

But critics accuse Kagame of being authoritarian and of trampling on media and political freedoms.

What to watch:

-- Trial of Ingabire. The case remains a major test of the independence of Rwanda's judiciary. Her trial was adjourned until Oct. 4.

Her British lawyer says the laws under which she is being tried were not enacted at the time the crimes were alleged to have been committed, or lie outside the court's jurisdiction.

Ingabire denies funding FDLR (Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda) rebels and says her detention is politically motivated.

Eric Nshimiyimana, a supporter of FDU-Inkingi, was shot in Kigali in early September. Police said Nshimiyimana was shot while resisting a search on suspicion of having a weapon.

The FDU-Inkingi party dispute the police version of events. Nshimiyimana is recovering in hospital.
-- Theogene Rudasingwa, former Chief of Staff to President Paul Kagame, a former Ambassador to the United States and a founding member of the RNC released a statement on Facebook on Oct. 1.

He claims President Paul Kagame "was personally responsible" for the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994, which sparked the beginning of the genocide.

A French judge claimed in 2006 that Kagame's forces were responsible for shooting down the plane. A French inquiry into the crash has yet to give its verdict.

-- Trial of Laurent Nkunda. The former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a rebel force that repeatedly routed Democratic Republic of Congo's army, has been held under house arrest in Rwanda since January 2009.

Rwanda say they are reluctant to extradite Nkunda to Congo as the death penalty is still in force in Kinshasa. Rwandan law precludes the extradition of persons under arrest to states that have the death penalty.

His trial has been postponed four times since the case was passed to the military courts in April 2010.

-- The media. A bill to amend the 2009 media law -- emphasizing self-regulation and creation of an independent overseer -- is set to go to Parliament in November. A draft law on Access to Information is also expected to be enacted in the near future. It will be the first of its kind in Rwanda.

Some observers see the draft media law as a positive move, but remain concerned the changes will remain on paper alone due to a lack of capacity within the media.

Two newspapers that were banned in 2010 for six months failed to return to the streets of Rwanda.

The editors of Umuseso and Umuvugizi now reside in exile and publish online. The websites of both are inaccessible from within Rwanda.

The editor of Umurabyo, Agnes Nkusi, was sentenced to 17 years for divisionism in February. Umurabyo reporter Saidath Mukakibibi received a 7 year sentence.

POLITICAL RIFTS

Kagame's war on graft, which has led to Rwanda being ranked the least corrupt nation in east Africa, has seen former political associates locked up.

Rwandan officials are required to declare wealth by June 30 every year, but 361 government officials did not meet the deadline in 2011.

Investment. Diplomatic sources say there is division within the government about how to go about increasing foreign direct investment.

What to watch:

-- Any signs of deepening rifts within the military. Some observers say Nyamwasa's moves could expose further divisions within the ruling party.

What might come out of the alliance between Nyamwasa and Ingabire's party, and how the government reacts to it, could expose weakness among a section of political elites close to Kagame.

However, diplomatic sources say they do not see the coalition as a serious political or military threat to the RPF.

-- The fate of Nkunda. Nkunda's arrest heralded a new era in relations between Rwanda and Congo.

But what happens to Nkunda could still influence relations. Congo wants him extradited for war crimes, but Rwanda says it should be done in a way that it avoids "conflict of law".

Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said there was a political dimension to the case and that extradition was difficult and it could cause instability if not handled carefully.

2 Oct 2011

Rwanda Dissident Colonel Spills Kagame Secrets

Col. Patrick Karegyeya
Col. Patrick Karegyeya

By Arinaitwe Rugyendo 
2 October, 2011 

Col. Patrick Karegyeya is a former top spy for the Rwandan government who fell out with the leadership and fled into exile in South Africa. From South Africa, he called Red Pepper on Wednesday following the attempt on his exiled colleague, former Rwandan Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa’s life in Johannesburg South Africa by unknown assassins to explain their differences with the Rwandan government. RED PEPPER’S Arinaitwe Rugyendo interviewed him.

Rugyendo: What really is your problem with President Kagame?

Karegyeya: I have no personal problem with President Kagame. Our differences are premised on matters of principle over national issues mostly with regard to governance and human rights.

Rugyendo: What issues are those?

Karegyeya:
Despotism – The struggle to liberate Rwanda was premised on the establishment of democracy. This has not happened in the past 17 years of Kagame’s rule. We were all required then to participate and praise the rigging of elections where Kagame allots himself 95% in the Presidential Elections in 2003 and 94% in 2010. Some of us then wondered whether there was any difference between him and President Habyalimana (ex-Rwandan President), yet during the struggle we vehemently criticized the rigging of elections by his government.

Rugyendo: But some people have argued that this demonstrates Kagame’s popularity.

Karegyeya: Well, even supporters of President Hosni Mubarak, President Ben Ali and President Muammar Gaddafi were saying the same a month before their ouster. When you look at the sacrifices and anger during the revolutions in those countries, it is a wake-up call on how despotism can be deceitful to those looking at it from outside. It is only a despotic leader who can register 90+ in general elections.

Rugyendo: Unlike those countries, Rwanda boasts of an efficient state- one of the best in Africa.

Karegyeya: Any country that churns out refugees like Rwanda does lack the fundamental guarantees of the rule of law. President Kagame is the jury, the judge and the hang man in Rwanda. Many people have been held for long periods on his orders. Fabricated charges are designed to victimize political opponents in courts of law. Many people decide to run to exile because their cases cannot fairly be adjudicated by courts of law.

Rugyendo: Can you cite any names?

Karegyeya: Most people who were in government in the early 1990s have probably disappeared without trace, run to exile or severely marginalized in Rwanda. What happened to President Bizimungu? What about all leaders of the transitional government of 1994?

Rugyendo: But most of these cases are a result of indiscipline. What do you want the president to do?
Karegyeya: Kagame argues that his former colleagues were either nothing, useless or corrupt. But none of them owns two bombardier global express long range luxury jets, none of them sleeps in a hotel room for $20,000 a night on public expense.

Rugyendo: Patrick, any president anywhere is entitled to comfort?

Karegyeya: True, but it is nauseating listening to the most kleptocratic despots preaching zero tolerance on corruption. We are totally opposed to a leader who has appropriated public finances for his aggrandizement.

Rugyendo: But isn’t it normal for you in the opposition to acuse the rulers of Despotism?

Karegyeya: In Rwanda every one is a potential candidate to prison, exile or disappearance. The state of fear, suspicion and deafening silence is simply unbearable. Nobody loves living in a police state where citizens open their mouths only when they visit a dentist or are on their dinner tables. The killings have been extended to foreign countries -assassination attempts in South Africa are well documented, the UK MI5 warned the Rwanda government about an assassination attempt on British territory and many others.

Rugyendo: The Rwandan government has denied all this.

Karegyeya: If you were in their shoes, would you admit?

Rugyendo: I have been to Rwanda. Every citizen moves about freely.

Karegyaya: The Rwanda I know of which is Kagame’s Rwanda, the media, human rights organisations and even the church are put on the leash to preach and condone government excesses. Most of them, if not all, have been infiltrated and manned by security agents to the extent that it is absurd to call them civil societies. Unfortunately, Kagame has created the tendency and belief that Rwanda will end with Kagame. Generally my quarrel with President Kagame is about liberty and freedoms. We argue that there is a difference between Kagame and Rwanda. Rwanda and Kagame do not mean the same. His critics could be his opponents but not national enemies. Unless these distinctions are drawn, we have no other way of describing Paul Kagame other than being a despot.

Rugyendo: You one time said and I quote: ‘Dictators’ don’t step down, they are brought down,’ in reference to President Kagame. Isn’t he justified to hunt you down?

Karegyeya: Former President Mubarak is in court for killing those who called for his ouster. Everywhere in the world, opposition politicians call for the ouster of obnoxious leaders. What is wrong for us to call for the removal of a dictator in Rwanda? We have advocated for peaceful means of bringing down a dictator. He has no right to hunt us down. It is already scandalous that all those challenging his dictatorship are either dead, in exile or in prison. When he gets out of power and criticizes the regime that will replace him- would he prefer to be hunted down? My statement should not be put out of context by a violent regime which envisages change of government exclusively by violent means.

Rugyendo: But honestly, when you declare war on an elected regime, why do you expect it to treat you with flowers?

Karegyeya: We are not asking for friendship with Paul Kagame. We are demanding for our rights not flowers. We did not declare war. There was no war in Egypt or Tunisia. The oppressed people called for the removal of the regime and it happened. Why should it be different for us. The issue of elected regime in a dictatorship is subjective. Both Ben Ali and Mubarak were ‘ elected’ leaders and so is Paul Kagame. We are conscious that most regimes that came to power through the barrel of the gun including the regime in Kigali are neither democratic nor sustainable. Another war in Rwanda would be unfortunate and costly but a revolution like what was experienced in North Africa is long over due. We belong to the Rwanda National Congress and we articulated our programs and objectives. War is none of our options.

Rugyendo: You were jailed twice over indiscipline, desertion and insubordination, stripped of your rank and now you face over 20 years in jail. What do you make of that?

Karegyeya: It shows the extremes of dictatorship and insensitivity. What you do not know is that all our properties were also confiscated as if we do not have families. Kagame is the jury, the judge and hang man who uses excesses to satisfy his temperament. The purpose of collective punishment is to threaten the population into submission and completely terrorize opposition. All dictators have done the same from Idi Amin to Saddam Hussein. Where else except in Kagame’s Rwanda that a President can relentlessly hunt down people even in exile? What crime did our families commit? Would he like similar treatment when he is out of power?

Rugyendo: But as the country’s former top spy, you were part of the mess that you are fighting.

Karegyeya: Well I am a human being and must have made mistakes and to err is human. We admitted which ever mistakes we could have made and we advised that some of those mistakes should be rectified. That is why the fall out with Kagame and why we are being hunted. We can authoritatively point out those mistakes because we know them. If we advocate for reform even where we were involved it is because we are not averse to self criticism. We believe in collective responsibility and individual culpability. What we do not accept is the perpetuation of a police state that does not tolerate criticism and collective responsibility We are talking about personalization of institutions of the State, this is bigger and beyond the mandate of the top spy.

Rugyendo: You and the President are comrades. Are your differences so bad that you can’t reconcile?

Karegyeya: I was held incommunicado for five months, later imprisoned on fabricated charges. My case was comical because there was no single prosecution witness and yet I was sentenced to two years in imprisonment. Recently, we were sentenced in absentia to long prison terms. It is not ourselves who can answer this question – it is President Kagame who can competently answer this question because he is the one hunting us down. But judging on how he treated Late Alex Kanyarengwe, (former president) Pasteur Bizimungu, Jozeph Sebarenzi and many others, we have searched and found very few people with whom Paul Kagame has reconciled. However, we should not personalize these matters. We are talking about issues of governance. Reconciliation with individuals while holding the nation hostage is not the solution.

Rugyendo: What are Kagame’s greatest points?

Karegyeya: What we used to think were strong points were a protracted strategy to entrench himself. Ultimately, it tragically becomes a very weak point. Those who praise him will argue that Kigali is smart but how would you feel sleeping in a smart city while your fundamental human and civil rights are denied, where the justice system is totally controlled and no independent media can exist. There is more propaganda than reality and Rwandans are conditioned to praising what they do not understand or don’t believe. When you rob people of their consciousness there is little distinction between a human being and a chattel.

Rugyendo: What are his weakest points?

Karegyeya: Deceit and insensitivity. It is only an insensitive person who stays in $20,000 room per night from a poor country like Rwanda and has the courage to talk about corruption and excesses. If you go out and claim that you were elected by 93.5% in Rwanda, you need to be medically examined. If you go out and celebrate the scandal, that makes it worse.

Rugyendo: What in your view is the best way forward for a fractured society like Rwanda?

Karegyaya: We need to build institutions instead of individuals. We need to nurture a culture of tolerance and stop the justice of the victor. Leaders should think about genuine reconciliation based on truth and tolerance. We should concentrate on restorative justice instead of retribution. There is a need for serious consideration of merit instead of perpetuating clientelism. Above all, accountability should begin from the top.

Rugyendo: In light of the recent attempt on your colleague, GEN Nyamwasa, who is hunting you down and why?

Karegyeya: The South African government spokesperson said that the attempt to assassinate Gen Kayumba was instigated by a state. Surely it cannot be Nicaragua or Moldova. Some elements were recorded negotiating prices to carry out crimes. Definitely they were not going to use personal money and they clearly say where the money is coming from. Those whose voices are recorded are well known serial killers by most Rwandans.

Rugyendo: There are those who think it’s Rwandan detractors who want to discredit the regime
Karegyaya: When a leader goes to parliament and declares that if it means to use a hammer to kill a fly, he will do it, what more do you want to know? And as I said above, the killers are well recorded giving instructions and they are known.

Rugyendo: Kagame accuses you of terrorism and of masterminding grenade attacks in Kigali. He probably knows you better!

Karegyeya: Kagame accuses all his critics of terrorist acts. Maybe that is the only method of resistance familiar to him. We are not thugs nor are we senseless people. What has a market vendor got to do with all this? It is Kagame who wanted to terrorize people in submission before the elections. Why is it that the grenade attacks stopped after the elections? One time those used to throw the grenades will confess who directed them to do it.

Rugyendo: Is it helpful to fight a regime in the comfort zones of South Africa? Why don’t you return home and freely contest for leadership using civil means?

Karegyaya: Ask Pasteur Bizimungu, Charles Ntakirutinka, Bernard Ntaganda , Victoire Ingabire and Deo Mushayidi what it means to criticize a dictatorial regime in Rwanda.

Rugyendo: There are reports that the reason you cannot be extradited to Rwanda is because you are protected by intelligence agencies like the CIA and MOSSAD.

Karegyaya: That is totally untrue. CIA is for Americans and MOSSAD is for Israelis and we are here in South Africa which is a sovereign state and not controlled by either country. The fact is that the charges under which we were sentenced do not meet international standards. Interpol declined to honour them and any credible country or institution would. Remember we were sentenced by a military court in absentia on the basis of what we wrote or said in the media. Any extradition would certainly mean extraditing political prisoners and no civilized people can do that.

Rugyendo: Are you safe in South Africa after the recent attempt on Gen. Nyamwasa’s life?

Karegyeya: Everyone has his own day. We know of many people who have since died in Rwanda at the hands of the state. We also know of many others who have died of natural causes. When Pinochet (former Chilean dictator) and many dictators like him were hunting down their critics, they did not envisage that their time would come. We are not going to run to the moon and we believe countries should respect the sovereignty of others.

Rugyendo: Are you associated with any armed effort against the government of Rwanda?

Karegyeya: We are not in any way associated with any armed groups and we do not intend to. There are less bloody and cost effective ways of challenging a dictatorial regime. There are more civilized ways of fighting other than launching a violent war. Human rights have taken centre stage and we believe in preservation of life. The Rwandan war was very costly and the outcome is not better than what we fought against. Nobody should take the people of Rwanda through the same motions.

Rugyendo: What are your views on the law regarding ‘genocide ideology?’

Karegyaya: Nobody should deny the Rwandan genocide. Hundreds of Tutsi were butchered simply because of their identity and nobody should deny this. At the same time, nobody should deny that lots of Hutu died at the hands of Interahamwe and RPA soldiers. Denials on either side will not in any way foster reconciliation.

Rugyendo: Who shot down the President Habyarimana plane sparking off the genocide in 1994?

Karegyeya: Investigations have been taking place. I do not want to compromise or influence any outcome. But surely as day follows night, the truth will one day come out.

Rugyendo: You were instrumental in the RPA war, did the RPA commit some acts of genocide in areas under its control during the war of liberation?

Karegyeya: Human rights abuses, certainly. Genocide, I do not think so.

Rugyendo: There are reports that French and Spanish judges who are implicating Kagame and others in the downing of the Habyarimana plane are quietly talking to you to stand witness against the president.

Karegyeya: Nobody has approached us. What we know is that the French investigators met some Rwandan officials in Burundi. Maybe for the record, I am not one of the officials under investigation. I do not think either the French or the Spanish would have interest in me.

1 Oct 2011

Paul Kagame Killed former Rwandan President Habyarimana – a confession

By Theogene Rudasingwa
256News.com


Also available in Kinyarwanda.

Paul Kagame Killed President Juvenal Habyarimana, President Cyprien Ntaryamira Of Burundi, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Juvenal Renzaho, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean Pierre Minaberry and Jean-Michel Perrine*.

On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and single National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.


On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number “9XR-NN”, on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ESSALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died.

The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF’s sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana’s camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement, and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations.

The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame’s culpability in this crime is also a public “secret” within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime.

The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then.

Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame’s and RPF’s false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame’s systematic and shameful game of deception.

I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference. I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long.
In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame’s legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us ree. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.

About the Author:
Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa is Former: RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame. E-mail: ngombwa@gmail.com; Washington, DC.
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*Juvénal HABYARIMANA, Head of State of Rwanda; Cyprien NTARYAMIRA, Head of State of Burundi; Déogratias NSABIMANA, Chief of Staff of Rwandan Armed Forces (R.A.F.); Elie SAGATWA, Colonel and Chief of the Military Cabinet of the Rwandan president; Thaddée BAGARAGAZA, Major and executive officer in the ‘maison militaire’ of the Rwandan president; Juvénal RENZAHO, foreign affairs adviser to the Rwandan president; Emmanuel AKINGENEYE, personal physician to the Rwandan president; Bernard CIZA, Minister of Planning in the government of Burundi; Cyriaque SIMBIZI, Communications Minister of Burundi; and members of the French flight crew, Jacky HERAUD, pilot;. Jean-Pierre MINABERRY, co-pilot; and , Jean-Michel PERRINE, flight engineer.
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The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

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The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

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SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.