The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

31 Oct 2013

DR Congo: M23 rebels close to defeat after US and Britain urge Rwanda to stay out


DR Congo: M23 rebels close to defeat after US and Britain urge Rwanda to stay out

Congolese soldiers and rebel forces suffered heavy casualties as they fought for a fifth day near the city of Goma in the country's volatile east, a doctor near the front line said.
The M23 rebel group is made up of hundreds of Congolese soldiers mostly from the Tutsi ethnic group who deserted the national army last year
Picture: Reuters
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Foreign ministers of America and Britain called president of neighbouring Rwanda to ask him to cut ties with rebels

Rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo are close to defeat after the foreign ministers of both America and Britain called the president of neighbouring Rwanda and urged him not to intervene to support them, The Daily Telegraph has learned.

John Kerry, the US secretary of state, and William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, telephoned Paul Kagame separately last Friday and told him to stay out of the conflict.

Congo's M23 guerrillas were powerful enough just a year ago to capture Goma, the largest city in the east. But they are now facing military collapse after a week of fighting.

The United Nations has accused Rwanda of supplying the rebels with weapons and ammunition - and even deploying combat troops in their support.

This helped them to seize Goma, a city of almost one million people, and hold it for several weeks in 2012.

A lack of Rwandan back-up to previously allied rebels allows Congo's army and United Nations troops to force a previously powerful militia from its strongholds. Congolese soldiers rearm as they arrive in Bunagana, north of Goma (REUTERS)

But Mr Kagame, a close ally of America and Britain, has come under intense pressure to cut his links with M23. This appears to have had an effect: Rwanda seems to have stayed out of the recent fighting, helping to explain why M23 has suffered a series of defeats, losing a string of towns to Congo's national army.

Jason Stearns, an expert on Central Africa, said that Mr Kerry rang President Kagame to "impress how important it was for Rwanda to sit this out". He added: "While similar pressure has been applied before — President Obama called his Rwandan counterpart with a similar message last December — this time it may have just been the final straw for the Rwandan leaders."

A Foreign Office spokesman confirmed that Mr Hague also spoke to Mr Kagame on the same day to urge "restraint in relation to the renewed fighting" in Congo.

Last month, the US cancelled some new military aid for Rwanda because of its alliance with M23, which is accused of recruiting child soldiers. Britain and other Western donors stopped bilateral aid for Rwanda's government for the same reason last year.

The most recent offensive began last Friday when Congolese army units, aided by UN peacekeeping troops, advanced into territory north of Goma held by M23. Beyond the lack of Rwandan interference, an overhaul of Congo's notoriously ill-disciplined army was a key explanation for the mission's success, added Mr Stearns.

A new regional commander, Major-General Bahuma Ambamba, has boosted morale by improving training and paying soldiers' salaries on time.

The UN also has a new Force Intervention Brigade with a robust mandate allowing them to take the offensive. This supported the Congolese troops with helicopters and infantry units.

The offensive began with the explusion of the rebels from the towns of Kibumba, Rutshuru, Kiwanja and Rumungabo, all situated on a 60-mile stretch of highway heading north from Goma.

By Wednesday, the M23 had been forced out of Bunagana, their operational headquarters near the border with Uganda.

The rump of the rebel force is now thought to be contained in a small area of rainforest where Congo, Rwanda and Uganda meet. Gerard Araud, the French Ambassador to the UN, said the Security Council had been briefed that "we are witnessing the military end of the M23".

The complete destruction of the rebels remains unlikely, however. "Politically, it will be important to bring what's left of the M23 back to peace talks so that a final negotiated treaty can be hammered out to try to lock them into a permanent ceasefire," said one Western diplomat in Rwanda's capital, Kigali.

The guerrilla movement - named after the failure of a previous peace agreement signed on March 23 2009 - was formed when soldiers mutinied in April 2012. They were largely drawn from the same Tutsi tribe as Rwanda's president and leadership. M23's military aim appeared to be to control territory previously held by a rival rebel group, the FDLR, originally led by Rwandan Hutus who carried out the genocide in their homeland in 1994. The rebellion soon became an effort loot the mineral riches of eastern Congo.

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Congo army hunts rebels deep into mountain bases


Congo army hunts rebels deep into mountain bases

THURSDAY OCT 31, 2013  |  KENNY KATOMBE FOR REUTERS

Congolese soldiers arrive atop a tank in Bunagana

Credit: Stringer/Reuters

BUNAGANA, Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) - Congo's army said on Thursday it was hunting rebels deep in the forests and mountains along the border with Rwanda and Uganda, the insurgents' last hideouts after they were driven from towns they seized during a 20-month rebellion.

Peace talks between the government and M23 rebels resumed on Wednesday in neighboring Uganda but Congo's army appeared intent on crushing the most serious uprising in its mineral-rich east since a war ended a decade ago.

"We're going to pursue M23 and push them into a corner, wherever they hide, because they are criminals," army spokesman Colonel Olivier Hamuli said. "They have martyred the Congolese people for too long. Now is the time to bring peace."

Artillery and small arms fire rang out on Thursday in the hills around Bunagana, a border town which the army retook the previous day, a Reuters reporter said. Clashes were also reported around Runyoni, the birthplace of the rebellion.

M23 officials said they had withdrawn from a string of towns over the last week due to diplomatic pressure. M23's political leader, Bertrand Bisimwa, told French radio RFI the military losses would not alter rebel demands at the Kampala talks.

M23, led by ethnic Tutsis, took up arms last year accusing Kinshasa of failing to honor a 2009 peace deal to end a previous uprising. Eastern Congo has been caught up in a cycle of violence, exacerbated by the presence of rival ethnic militias and simmering disputes over land and minerals.

At their peak in November, M23 swept past U.N. peacekeepers to occupy the regional capital Goma after the army fled. That defeat led to U.N. forces being bolstered, Congo's army overhauled and neighboring countries pressured not to meddle in the conflict, changing the tide of events.

"The M23 may be nearing its end," wrote Jason Stearns, a Congo expert. "This would be historic. It would be the first time the Congolese government had defeated a major rebellion."

"And it would be the first time since 1996 that an armed group allied to Rwanda is not present in the eastern Congo."

POLITICAL DEAL

U.N. experts and human rights groups have accused Rwanda of backing M23. In the wake of its 1994 genocide, Rwanda, repeatedly sent its army into Congo on the pretext of hunting Hutu rebels who fled there after the massacres.

Kigali has strongly denied any support for M23 but the United States and Great Britain still suspended aid last year.

Stearns said public and private pressure from world powers for Rwanda to remain out of Congo's conflict played a key role.

British Foreign Minister William Hague called Rwandan President Paul Kagame on Friday to urge restraint, a foreign office spokesman said. Rwanda warned last week it could retaliate after shells landed on its territory.

Residents poured into the streets of Bunagana on Wednesday to welcome the army, better known for its chaotic command than military prowess.

"We never imagined that one day we would be liberated by the army," said a resident of Bunagana, where rebels had levied taxes on cross-border trade to finance their forces. "We lived in terror. We were traumatized."

Some of the 8,000 refugees who fled to Uganda on Wednesday had begun returning home, a U.N. official and a resident said.

Diplomats say a political deal is needed alongside the military gains to ensure frustrations over Kinshasa's handling of the remote region did not spark a fresh uprising.

After the last uprising ended in 2009, rebels were integrated into the army but maintained parallel command chains.

M23 has said it would disarm if Congo's army and U.N. peacekeepers crushed the Rwandan Hutu FDLR rebel group, some of whom have been based in Congo since Rwanda's genocide.

"The problem is the FDLR have been working with Congo's army, so where do you start?" said Victor Ngezayo, a Tutsi businessman, underscoring the complex ties in the zone.

Lieutenant Colonel Paddy Ankunda, spokesman for Uganda's mediation team, said progress was being made at talks though questions remained over an amnesty for the rebels.

Fatou Bensouda, prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, on Wednesday said she might broaden investigations into crimes in Congo. U.N. peacekeepers have confirmed they are investigating reports of mass graves in areas vacated by rebels.

(Additional reporting by Pete Jones in Kinshasa, Elias Biryabarema in Kampala and David Lewis in Dakar; Writing by David Lewis and Daniel Flynn; Editing by Andrew Heavens)

This article was distributed through the NewsCred Smartwire. Original article © Reuters 2013

Uganda: Police boss suspended over Kagame guard


How M23 was rolled back


How M23 was rolled back

Posted by  on Oct 30, 2013 in Central AfricaFeatured
In just four days, M23 has been dislodged from every one of the strongholds it once held. This surprisingly rapid reversal of fortunes for the group was unprecedented only weeks ago when most experts predicted that it would take significant effort to remove M23 from towns like Kibumba, Rumangabo and Rutshuru.
Despite M23′s claims that its withdrawals were intentional, the group relinquished heavily-fortified positions all over North Kivu that it had only recently reinforced after the fighting in August. While M23 is not yet fully defeated, there is little doubt that it has suffered a crushing military loss.
This analysis will explain why FARDC, the DRC's national army, backed up by the United Nations Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) was able dislodge M23 so rapidly.
Map of the situation in North Kivu during the fighting against M23 in October 2013. Click to expand.
Map of the situation in North Kivu during the fighting against M23 in October 2013. Click to expand.

Positioning

It's an axiom of military strategy that whichever force has both the advantage in positioning and logistics has a much greater chance of winning any battles. This is especially true when doing so can cause the opposing army to split its forces.
When fighting between FARDC, the FIB and M23 resumed at 04h00 on Friday morning, FARDC and the FIB were well prepared and well-placed for an engagement. Over the past few weeks, both FARDC and the United Nations moved troops to new positions around North Kivu that were designed to encircle and split M23′s forces in and around the major towns on the important Kibumba-Rumangabo-Rutshuru axis.
According to a sources in the area, this was done after intelligence reports indicated that M23 may try to launch an attack should the Kampala talks reach a deadlock.
Using UN Mi-8s, Oryxes and Mi-26s, FIB troops were separated into three task forces and deployed near Kiwanja, Munigi/Kibati and north-west of Rutshuru. These FIB task forces were intended as a blocking force to back up FARDC, which as was the case during the last round of fighting in August would take the lead in any operations.
At the same time, FARDC also established three of its own task groups, including 41, 805, 806 and 809 infantry battalions amongst others, backed up by heavy artillery, rockets and air support along three fronts near Kibati, Kiwanja and inside Virunga National Park between Busenene and Kalengera respectively.
It was also the first time the entire FIB was together in a single operation
Crucially, this involved establishing sufficient logistics for each front, avoiding the typical problem in Congolese operations where poor roads make operations riskier the further they move away from main logistics bases. It was also the first time the entire FIB was together in a single operation, as the Malawian infantry who arrived earlier in October were part of the UN positions.
The combination of these forces created a three-front war against M23 for the first time, establishing a southern, western and northern front and forcing M23 to split its forces. It formed a pincer movement that squeezed M23 out from its strongholds and into the Virunga mountains against the Rwandan border.
It also proved that the FIB concept works, as the support its troops provided were what allowed for the three fronts to be established.

Command

The FARDC forces deployed against M23 since August are a far cry from the disorganised, demoralised and poorly-trained soldiers that were so easily swept aside when Goma was captured in November last year.
Most credit for the improvement must go to the new commander of North Kivu's 8th Military Region, Maj. Gen. Bahuma Ambamba, and his subordinate unit commanders. Following the embarrassing loss of Goma last year, DRC President Joseph Kabila recalled most of the 8th Military Region's commanders back to Kinshasa and replaced them with a trusted team led by Maj. Gen. Ambamba.
In less than 12 months, Maj. Gen. Ambamba has transformed the forces under his control, cracking down on ill-discipline, improving training especially for combined operations, raising morale and earning a good reputation both amongst his soldiers and the MONUSCO forces in North Kivu.
The result has been a FARDC that is capable of effective combined-arms operations involving artillery, multiple-launch rocket systems and attack helicopters while advancing at a previously-unseen pace through M23-held territory. The troops have high-morale and there have been no recent reports of atrocities commited, something which used to be a hallmark of many FARDC operations.
In less than 12 months, Maj. Gen. Ambamba has transformed the forces under his control
This has interesting implications for the potential of FARDC to eventually be able to maintain a monopoly of force in the eastern DRC.
The new commanders of both MONUSCO and the FIB have also played critical roles in rolling back M23, as they have pursued a more pro-active stance and exploited UNSC Resolution 2098 to the fullest to enable direct combat operations against M23.
FIB commander Brig Gen. James Mwakibolwa in particular has shown excellent tactical understanding by utilising the UN's air assets and the FIB's artillery and mortar units to act as force multipliers that supported FARDC's offensive against M23 to great effect without the need to commit large numbers of infantry from the FIB's three national contingents.
Yet that would have meant nothing without the strong backing of Lt. Gen. Carlos dos Santos Cruz, the MONUSCO Force Commander, and Martin Kobler, the Special Representative for MONUSCO. Both men came to MONUSCO with a reputation for decisiveness and have provided the space for the FIB to conduct offensive operations.
Despite this, there have still been occasions where the FIB has been frustrated in its requests for stronger action, but it has had much greater freedom to act than any other UN force in recent history.

The fighting

The FARDC assault began on the M23 positions atop strategic hill of Kanyamahoro, less than a kilometre from the forward line of FARDC troops near Kibumba.
Over the past month, M23 had significantly reinforced their position on Kanyamahoro, building deep earthen bunkers, stationing machine guns and concentrating a large number of soldiers. As it overlooked the Route Nationale 2 that goes from Goma to Kibumba, this hill had to be conquered first by any force coming up from the south if they wanted to reach Kibumba.
Yet despite the fortifications, Kanyamahoro fell swiftly to the rocket fire, Mi-24 attack helicopters and troops of the FARDC, surprising the M23 defenders and opening the route to Kibumba.
At the same time, the FARDC forces on the northern and western fronts sprang into action, heading towards Rumangabo, Kiwanja and Rutshuru. In each case the fighting was brutal and bloody but over quickly, as the M23 forces retreated under heavy fire.
there have still been occasions where the FIB has been frustrated in its requests for stronger action, but it has had much greater freedom to act than any other UN force in recent history.
Within four days, every major town and position held by M23 had fallen and the group had retreated to a small area in the Virunga mountains near the border with Rwanda where they remain.
The FIB and greater MONUSCO role in this action should not be overlooked, as the FIB blocking forces deployed along both the northern and southern fronts were crucial in freeing up FARDC forces to go on the offensive.
FIB infantry forces were engaged with M23 both in the south and in the north, especially in Kiwanja and in the hilly region north-east of Rutshuru. It was in these engagements that Lt. Mlima, a Tanzanian peacekeeper with the FIB, was shot dead during a battle with M23 forces in the hills.
But direct FIB involvement was less this time around than back in August, perhaps because the counter-attack against M23 came as a surprise. No UN artillery, mortars or Mi-24P attack helicopters were used, though they were placed on standby if needed.

Next steps

First and foremost, it's important to understand that M23 is not yet defeated, even though its military capacity has been badly eroded. If given too much breathing room it's possible that M23 could become a threat once more, so it's important for the advantage to be pressed home.
However that does not mean that a military solution is called for, as further action against M23 risks drawing Rwanda into the conflict. Rather, there must be a return to the Kampala talks where an agreement must be reached between the DRC and Rwanda for the latter to abandon M23 and force its members to disarm.
This will only be achieved if Rwanda receives the firm commitment, backed by the FIB, that the FDLR will be the next group to be neutralised. This will be politically difficult for the DRC, which has often unofficially formed alliances with the FDLR against other groups like M23, but it's essential to ease Rwanda's fears and prevent that country from trying to resurrect M23.
The FIB has performed well, so its mandate should be extended at least another 12 months. The fighting of the past two months has highlighted a number of issues though, foremost amongst them the often severe communications problems between FIB contingents and the FIB and the rest of MONUSCO, mostly due to incompatible and ineffective radio equipment. This needs to be rectified as a matter of urgency.
Other weaknesses are in aerial surveillance and air support, both of which should be alleviated somewhat by the arrival of Falco drones in December and the deployment of Rooivalk attack helicopters from South Africa, with the first helicopter already in Goma and the remaining threetwo soon to follow. They will be backed up by five South African Air Force Oryx transport helicopters.
By inflicting a massive military defeat on M23, both the FARDC and FIB have proven doubters wrong and validated the concept of a more pro-active UN peacekeeping force acting in concert with the national army. The challenge now will be to protect the newly-won peace, establishing long-lasting security in the areas formerly held by M23 and preventing abuses by Congolese state security forces. If the DRC government and MONUSCO can succeed at that, they stand a chance at bringing about long-lasting peace and stability in the region.
This report was based on interviews with sources inside the DRC who have asked to remain anonymous

Darren Olivier

Darren Olivier is the Senior Correspondent of the African Defence Review and has published several articles on African military issues including military equipment such as C2 systems, ongoing operations, budget issues and rebel groups. He can be reached on Twitter as @djolivier.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.