The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

19 Oct 2014

[AfricaRealities] Fw: *DHR* Congo: President Kabila must respect the constitution and not seek a third term – By Decky Kipuka Kabongi

 



----- Forwarded Message -----
From: "FSDDC democratiechretienne@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "democratiechretienne@yahoogroups.com" <democratiechretienne@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 19 October 2014, 16:29
Subject: *DHR* Congo: President Kabila must respect the constitution and not seek a third term – By Decky Kipuka Kabongi

 

 

Congo: President Kabila must respect the constitution and not seek a third term – By Decky Kipuka Kabongi

par FreeDiomi le 19 octobre 2014
KABILAPIETINNE CONSTITUTION

Congo: President Kabila must respect the constitution and not seek a third term – By Decky Kipuka Kabongi

KABILAPIETINNE CONSTITUTION
There is currently one question dominating political debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Will President Kabila change the constitution and seek a third term or abide by its current terms? This question is of great relevance to Congo's nascent democratic process, initiated in 2006 with the material, financial, and political support of the international community.
Article 70 of the constitution limits the presidential terms to 5 years, renewable only once. Furthermore, Article 220 clearly states that the presidential term must not be subject to constitutional amendment. Given that Mr Kabila has been democratically in office since 2006, when he won the first of his two elections, he must step down at the end of 2016.
Nonetheless, there are reasons to believe that Mr. Kabila is poised to change the constitution and attempt to remain in office beyond 2016. During a closed-door meeting he convened in March 2014, attended only by members of his political coalition (the presidential majority), Kabila indicated that he was inclined to remain the president beyond the constitutional terms.
Moreover, there have been some political maneuvers from Mr. Kabila's allies within his coalition, which is seeking to find ways of circumventing article 220 at low political cost. The possibility of calling for a public referendum for a constitutional amendment has been put forward.
If Mr. Kabila has ever thought of leaving behind an honorable and indelible legacy, abiding by the constitution is an opportunity he must seize and exit Congolese politics with his credibility intact. Kabila needs to think of what he has achieved over the last thirteen years – but the record shows that he has done little to improve the living conditions of his fellow citizens.
The DRC ranks at the bottom of most indicators of socio-economic development. According to the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), the DRC scored a value of 0.338 in 2013, almost the same as in 1980 (0.336). The situation has only improved slightly since 2001 when Mr. Kabila became president. In that year, the DRC's HDI was 0.297. It is estimated that more than 70 percent of Congolese live on less than US$ 1.25 a day.
Mr Kabila has not significantly delivered on his campaign promises either. For instance, in 2006 he promised peace and improvement in the living conditions of Congolese, especially those in eastern provinces who formed his electoral base. Between 2006 and 2013, peace did not come to North Kivu and many parts of South Kivu. One needs only to recall the recurrent fighting between the FARDC, Nkunda's CNDP, M23, and other armed groups and the ensuing consequences for innocent civilians.
Several armed groups continue to destabilize different areas of both South and North Kivu. Furthermore, the improved access to basic services Mr. Kabila promised to easterners has not materialized.
From a governance perspective, things have not changed at all over the last 8 years. Clientelism and patrimonial practices are deeply rooted in all sectors, hindering the emergence of strong, transparent, and independent institutions. Corruption is still widespread, systemic and rampant. In 2013, the DRC ranked 154 out of 177 on the corruption perception index.
The justice system too remains profoundly politicized, controlled by the regime and the wealthy, and terribly corrupt. Consequently, it cannot impartially uphold the rule of law. The politicization of the justice system has only worsened during president Kabila's two terms.
Public administration remains ineffective, poorly paid, politicized, and plagued by rampant bribery and corruption. Recruitment of public servants is marked by haphazard and opaque methods. The police and the army are deeply politicized and managed in such ways that meet the interests of the regime.
Politically however, Kabila has some positive achievements, which ultimately he could regard as his legacy. First, after being generously granted the presidency, following the assassination of his father in January 2001, he accelerated the peace process that ultimately led to the signing of the peace agreement in December 2002. In contrast to his father, who resisted all the pressures that led to the Congolese political dialogue, Joseph had no choice but to accept the conditions of the peace process imposed on him.
The 2002 peace agreement ended the war and created conditions for a political transition from 2003 to 2006 under a power sharing arrangement. Subsequently, the first democratic elections in over four decades were held in 2006, which Mr. Kabila won.
The second major point is the fragile peace recovery in eastern Congo, following the military defeat of the M23 rebellion in the fall of 2013. This was largely down to the United Nations Intervention Brigade's support of the FARDC (Congolese army) and pressure from Rwanda's western backers to end its support of the rebel group.
Defeating M23 has brought relief to millions of Congolese in North Kivu who prior to this had faced terrible suffering caused by recurrent fighting between the FARDC and the successive Tutsi-led rebellions.
The damage done by the armed conflict over years in eastern Congo is irreparable. Nevertheless, Mr. Kabila can count the democratic process and the end of the war in the region as the most significant milestones occurring during his administration.
Whilst the economy has recorded high growth rates, only a small portion of well-connected elites and the regime's cronies are enjoying the benefits of this economic expansion, which is still driven by the mining sector and creates limited employment opportunities.
Kabila's closest advisers are claiming that the president needs more time to promote development because his two terms have been hampered by armed conflicts. It is true that when Mr. Kabila came to power, violence was occurring in both Kivus and continued up until the defeat of the M23. However, this argument is misleading. One only needs to look at the poor living conditions of residents in western and central provinces of the DRC. How much improvement has been recorded in such provinces as Bas-Congo, Bandundu, Equateur, Katanga, and the two Kassai?  The majority of inhabitants in the non-war torn areas are also living in indescribable poverty, lacking adequate access to water, electricity, and health services.
For the sake of the Congo and its collective interest, every reasonable person in the DRC, regardless of his or her political affiliation and access to material benefits from the regime, should encourage Mr. Kabila to respect the constitution and step down at the end of 2016. Congolese elites, essentially those from Mr. Kabila's political alliance, have the opportunity to make a decisive and historic choice.
Congolese elites need to find strong incentives to offer Mr. Kabila to get him out at the end of his term. Such incentives could include both political and financial elements. For instance, they might offer him presidential immunity and reasonable monetary compensation.
Congo's western partners, including the US and the UK, should use their political, diplomatic and financial pressure to persuade Mr. Kabila and associates not to change the constitution. Doing otherwise will be tantamount to condoning undemocratic practices and, regrettably, ignoring all the material resources that the international community has invested in peace and democracy in the DRC.
Finally, Mr. Kabila should seize the opportunity before him and make a decisive but honorable choice: not to seek a third term by changing or sabotaging the constitution and the democratic process the country embraced with his first election in 2006. He should not listen to flattering advisers who are misleading him by encouraging him to seek a third term. He should disregard those advisers trying to convince him that he should reign longer (as did the late dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.)
This parallel has no value at all: Mobutu reigned in a particular international context; he mismanaged the country, and was forced out by a rebellion which Mr. Kabila was part of. There is no good political lesson to be learned from late Mobutu's handling of the Congo.
If Mr. Kabila chooses to forcibly remain in power, he is very likely to cause a lot of harm by derailing the democratic process. The opposition, if determined and organized, will call on its supporters to engage in civil disobedience. If the opposition chooses the street to protest, it is very likely that Mr. Kabila will respond with a disproportionate use of force (as he did in the aftermath of the 2011 elections.) Under this scenario, many political opponents are likely to be arrested and tortured, or eventually assassinated.
Diplomatically, Mr. Kabila risks isolation. It will be a surprise if the international community, which has invested billions of dollars in the Congolese democratic process, condones Mr. Kabila's actions should he not respect the constitution.
Mr. Kabila and cronies may emerge as winners, but in the end they will only be losers. The reason is simple: he will not be a legitimate president, and he will create conditions for political chaos that will require unnecessary use of extra political and financial resources to bring the political situation under control.
Decky Kipuka Kabongi is a Congo analyst.
Envoyé par : FSDDC <democratiechretienne@yahoo.fr>

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.


Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

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UN News Centre - Africa

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The Africa Report - Latest

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IRIN - Great Lakes

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This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.