The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

10 Jul 2014

[RwandaLibre] Foreign Policy - 2 hours ago: The FDLR rebels can no longer look to Kinshasa for support.

 

Will Congo's Rebels Finally Come in From the Cold?

Foreign Policy - 2 hours ago

GOMA, Democratic Republic of the Congo -- Fourteen-year-old Habimana
was asleep in his bed when armed militiamen burst through the door of
his home and demanded that he carry their luggage to a nearby market.
When he arrived at the market, with two other children from his
village in the Masisi territory of eastern Congo, they were told they
would never see their families again.

That was six months ago, and the armed men were from the Democratic
Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel group that
relies heavily on abducted child soldiers and counts among its members
men who participated in the 1994 genocide in neighboring Rwanda.

Now, after 20 years of preying on the civilian population of eastern
Congo, the biggest faction of the FDLR says it wants to come in from
the bush. In April, it declared its intention to lay down its weapons
and engage in political dialogue, and on July 3, a group of foreign
ministers from southern and east African countries said they would
suspend military operations against the FDLR for six months in order
to give the rebel group a chance to make good on its pledge.
Whether the FDLR is serious about disarming or just playing for time
is, of course, impossible to say. But there can be little doubt that
the group is feeling the heat. Ever since the United Nations' special
intervention brigade, fighting alongside Congolese troops, trounced
the M23 rebels last year, both parties have come under tremendous
pressure to take on the FDLR. Meanwhile, a diplomatic full-court press
on Congolese President Joseph Kabila means that the rebels can no
longer look to Kinshasa for support.

"Kabila is under intense diplomatic pressure to get this settled and
he no longer needs rebel support to fight the M23 or its predecessor
movements," said Laura Seay, a professor of government at Colby
College and an expert on the Great Lakes region, in an email. "So [the
FDLR is] in a predicament."

Already, some 200 FDLR fighters out of an estimated 1,500 have turned
themselves in. But the United Nations is only cautiously optimistic
that the remaining rebels will disarm voluntarily. "These guys are
criminals, bandits, and they have been deceiving us for years. Why
should we trust them?" said Ray Torres, the head of office for the
U.N. mission in North Kivu, the province where the most recent FDLR
disarmament took place. "Still, it would be irresponsible not to give
this a chance.... What is at stake here is a 20-year-old war, and we
have an opportunity to end it in a few months without having to kill
anybody."

For the last two decades, eastern Congo has been the site of seemingly
unending tragedy. After the Rwandan genocide, the perpetrators, along
with roughly 1 million refugees, fled across the border to what was
then Zaire, touching off a regional war that toppled the government in
Kinshasa and, at its height, involved dozens of rebel groups and nine
different countries. The human cost was astonishing: More than 5
million people have died in eastern Congo since 1996, mostly from
war-related disease and starvation.

Today, the country of 60 million is moving, haltingly, toward peace.
The world's

largest U.N. peacekeeping operation -- and the only one that is
authorized to take offensive military action -- has improved the
security situation in the east dramatically. Meanwhile, a U.N. and
U.S. diplomatic offensive has convinced the Rwandan government, which
in 1996 pursued the Hutu genocidaires across the border into Zaire and
has been exploiting the chaos ever since, to cut ties with rebel
groups that were causing the most damage.

The preliminary results are impressive. In Goma, which fell in
dramatic fashion to the M23 less than two years ago, U.N. peacekeepers
have little to do except break up bar fights that have spilled into
the street (they don't dare enter the establishments themselves) and
neutralize the occasional drunken Congolese soldier who is stumbling
around, armed to the teeth. So secure is the provincial capital, in
fact, that the United Nations deemed it safe for me to accompany its
North Kivu brigade for a night patrol without wearing a helmet or
bulletproof vest.

But large parts of Congo are still controlled by armed groups, roughly
50 of which operate in the eastern portion of the country alone. Among
the alphabet soup of rebel movements, the FDLR is one of the more
potent, but its real significance is political, not military. As the
successor group to a genocidal army and militia, the FDLR's
demobilization would eliminate Rwanda's favored pretext for meddling
in Congo.

But even as some elements of the flagging militia prepare to hand over
their weapons, others continue to terrorize civilians and even recruit
additional fighters. According to a report released July 3 by U.N.
experts, the FDLR "continues to recruit and train combatants,
including children."

Andre Moussa, a child protection specialist at UNICEF, confirmed that
the FDLR still ranks among the top 10 armed groups operating in Congo
in terms of recruitment of child soldiers. "The FDLR is still actively
recruiting children," he said. "The risk of recruitment and
re-recruitment is high, particularly for children in the Rutshuru
territory," which is located to the east of Masisi in eastern Congo.

Despite repeated pledges by the United Nations and the Congolese
government to take on the FDLR, no decisive military action has been
taken to date -- a fact that many experts believe reflects the cozy
relationship between officers in the Congolese military and the FDLR.
According to a U.N. report that was leaked earlier this year, FDLR
fighters regularly shack up under the same roof with Congolese troops
and purchase ammunition from the Congolese military for as little as 5
cents per bullet. Over the years, the two have also fought alongside
one another frequently against Rwanda and its proxies.

While the United Nations' special intervention brigade is authorized
to take offensive military action with or without the support of the
Congolese military, in practice Lt. Gen. Carlos dos Santos Cruz, the
force commander of the U.N. mission in Congo, has interpreted his
mandate very conservatively thus far.

"He sees the mission's task as being not just about ending the
violence, but also to build institutions and the Congolese people's
confidence in them," said Seay. "In that mindset, having the
[Congolese military] involved is really important."

The announcement of the six-month grace period by the group of African
foreign ministers seems to push the military option even further down
the road.

But exactly how long the FDLR has until it needs to worry about the
type of offensive military action that routed the M23, a much larger
rebel faction that captured the eastern city of Goma in 2012, is not
entirely clear.

"There is some negotiations about this timeline," Santos Cruz said in
an interview on July 3. "It's not been fully established."

But Santos Cruz was clear that the FDLR will eventually have to choose
between total disarmament and war. "The surrender is one option. But
if they stop [voluntarily disarming], the military option is the one
we will use."

Taking the fight to the FDLR will be tricky, though, because unlike
the M23, which was easily distinguishable from the civilian
population, FDLR fighters live among the communities they terrorize.
"It's completely different from the situation of M23," said Santos
Cruz. "The operations against them were very classic operations. The
FDLR is completely different. Some small groups are inside the
population, and then you need to treat it case by case because [you
don't want to] cause more suffering to the population."

That will be easier said than done. According to Seay, the only way to
pry the FDLR loose from the civilian population is to conduct
door-to-door searches. As a result, a military solution would be
"really messy" and almost certainly cause "a lot of civilian
casualties."

Even if the FDLR is serious about going out peacefully, the
demobilization process is fraught with potential pitfalls. For one
thing, the group itself is deeply fractured, and only one faction --
the Forces Combattantes Abacunguzi (FDLR-FOCA) -- has declared its
intention to disarm. Whether the remaining factions will follow
FDLR-FOCA's lead is anybody's guess. "A rebel group is not an
organized army," said Torres, the head of office for the U.N. mission
in North Kivu. "So disarmament is going to be a slow and consultative
process."

Then there is the possibility that other rebel groups could try to
prevent FDLR fighters from turning in their guns. The United Nations
is preparing for the possibility that Cheka, an armed group previously
allied with the FDLR, could attack the facilities where ex-FDLR
fighters are being processed. The result is a bizarre scenario in
which U.N. peacekeepers are being deployed to protect recently
demobilized members of one armed group from another.

Finally, there is the ever-present risk that combatants, once
demobilized, will tire of civilian life and eventually return to the
bush.

These are people who have spent 10 to 20 years feeling powerful
because they carry a gun, explained Santos Cruz. "Your power is the
weapon, and suddenly you are going to drop it."

Already, there have been reports that former members of the M23, most
of whom are in camps in neighboring Rwanda and Uganda, have begun to
recruit and rearm. Last year, the Congolese government set up a
so-called DDR -- disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration --
camp in Bweremana, a village in the Masisi territory of North Kivu,
but failed to provide adequate services for the ex-combatants and
their families.

"The place was a complete mess," said one NGO worker who visited the
camp before it was closed down. "Many of the more battle-hardened
fighters took one look at the place and marched right back into the
bush."

The disarmament and demobilization facilities administered by the
United Nations are by all accounts better run than those overseen by
the Congolese government. But the idea that men who once killed and
raped at will can be turned into productive members of society is at
best aspirational -- a fact that is confirmed by the U.N.'s own record
on DDR. According to the Small Arms Survey, which has conducted DDR
assessments in more than a dozen countries, "there is still little
evidence of its effectiveness."

Habimana, the 14-year-old who was abducted by the FDLR earlier this
year, is now taking part in his own DDR program after he and a friend
pulled off a daring escape a few weeks ago. The two were given weapons
and ordered to loot a farm in Masisi territory. Instead, they made a
break for it and ended up seeking refuge on a U.N. base.

Today, Habimana is being housed in a transit and orientation facility
for former child soldiers, where he is at least on track to be
reunited with his family. Still, he told me that he does not want to
return to his home village for fear of being recognized and
recaptured. "The FDLR is still a big problem for us," he said. "It is
not yet safe to go home."

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2014/07/10/will_congos_rebels_finally_come_in_from_the_cold_fdlr_m23&source=s&q=Will+Congo's+Rebels+Finally+Come+in+From+the+Cold%3F+Foreign+Policy
&sa=X&ei=0-m-U8jAGsyRyAS05oGwCQ&ved=0CB0QFjAA

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Jobs

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.