[AfricaWatch] As China eats West’s lunch in Africa, bad policy reaps chaos in South Sudan, CAR

 

As China eats West's lunch in Africa, bad policy reaps chaos in South Sudan, CAR

 

Yossef Bodansky, Senior Editor, Global Information System / Defense & Foreign Affairs

Major Western states, with historical dominance over key African regions and markets, have, in the first years of the 21st Century, been losing influence in many areas of Africa.

 

Often the Western states — the U.S., UK, and France in particular — have been ceding political and economic influence to either the People's Republic of China (PRC), Iran, or merely to an increasing unwillingness of African societies to comply with the wishes of external powers. 

Recent Western military or political interventions in such areas as Mali, Central African Republic, Libya, Sudan, and elsewhere have not produced the strategic outcomes desired by the West, implying that Western policies have lacked the ability to adapt to changing African circumstances, or to the attraction of Chinese or other options.

"Ground truth" intelligence and historical trends seem to be indicating that superficial, broad brush assessments by international media and policy think tanks of the causes of insurgency and perceived instability in a range of Sahel and sub-Saharan African states may be fueling, rather than helping to suppress, conflict in the region.

Non-African tendencies to attribute all instability and violence to Al Qaida-related jihadists have proven to be both factually incorrect and counterproductive. Consequently, growing numbers of grassroots forces, not all of them Muslim, seek the support, supplies and expertise from local jihadists to combat Western-sponsored crackdowns which they cannot endure or withstand.

 

Meanwhile, the vast energy and mineral resources in the Sahel and Sub-Saharan Africa have become the key to the ability of the industrialized West — particularly Europe — to modernize and restore the industrial base and thus slowly emerge from the protracted and debilitating economic crisis.

Simply put, Western senior officials and economists are now convinced that it would be impossible to resurrect Western, particularly European, economies without access to Africa's untapped energy and mineral resources, as well as Africa's growing markets.

This also comes at a time when most Western analysts recognize that the West's once-undisputed dominance of African resources has now been eroded by the growing presence of developers and traders from the People's Republic of China (PRC).

Presently, Western leaders are frustrated with their inability to communicate and deal with African leaders on virtually anything. African interlocutors frequently raise issues which are beyond the comprehension of their Western counterparts. With instability and violence escalating and spreading, any Western communication becomes complicated and hostage to populist media outcries about both real and imagined human rights issues.

As well, the Chinese spread into Africa and its increasing dominance over energy and mineral resources, as well as the scant strategic infrastructure deemed vital to the West, seem unstoppable.

Hence, Western leaders are increasingly inclined to intervene militarily — both directly and via international conduits such as the UN, the AU, and African regional entities — as a shortcut to retaining influence in Africa without coping with the challenges. The crux of the Western logic and policy is "Africa is too important to be left to the Africans to handle and manage". However, the West lacks (or has lost) the depth of knowledge and patience to address the crucially important sub state grassroots dynamics without which nothing will move in Sub-Saharan Africa. Consequently, Western military interventions — both direct and sponsored — have proven counterproductive, if not outright disastrous, to the West's own vital interests.

The latest developments in two of the most explosive crisis points illustrate.

In the Central African Republic (CAR), the French-led military intervention already led to the return of Iran and Sudan on the coattails of the wave of atrocities against Muslims. This is a dramatic reversal of then President Michel Djotodia's decision in late Summer 2013 to abandon the Khartoum agreement he had signed earlier, and instead appeal for help and cooperation to the West (which ultimately betrayed him).

[See Bodansky, Yossef: "Iran and Sudan's plan to gain control over Central and Western Africa and its natural resources", July 1, 2013]

Meanwhile, French forces and their Francophone African protégés have been aggravating the grassroots crises by dividing the entire diverse population into two camps — "with us" and "against us" (essentially, anti-Séléka and pro-Séléka respectively) — even though the CAR is rife with close to ten distinct conflicts. Consequently, the most vicious and violent Christian vigilante groups — the Anti-Balaka — became the core of the ostensibly pro-French grassroots forces.

Hence, the myriad of fighting forces gravitated to the lowest common denominator of the warring factions.

The sectarian divide has become distinct, thus, transforming the fratricidal carnage into a sectarian war. The Bangui area, for example, was originally dominated by economics-driven clashes where Christian vigilantes attempted to take over markets and distinct economic activities dominated by predominantly Muslim clans from the northeastern zones for their cotribals from the western zones.

After the French-led intervention and sharp divisions of the fighting elements, these economics-driven attacks evolved into extremely violent ethnic cleansing of Muslims on the basis of religion by machete-wielding Christian vigilantes under the watchful eyes of the French forces. [Ironically, the Anti-Balaka name translates from the local Sanga dialect into "anti-machete".]

The flight and plight of the Muslims were quickly seized-upon by the Islamist-jihadist leaders eager to restore the surge westward which Djotodia had stopped. The jihadists and their sponsoring states — Iran and Sudan — are only too happy to exploit the ascent of sectarian violence.

The Islamist-jihadist media, both Sunni and Shi'ite, all over the Muslim World and increasingly in Western Europe, is urging volunteers to come to the aid of the persecuted and slaughtered Muslims of the CAR.

On March 24, 2014, the Al Qaida-affiliated and authoritative al-Minbar Jihadi Media Network urged French jihadists to assassinate President François Hollande in retaliation for the persecution of the Muslims of the CAR. "To our lone wolves in France, assassinate the president of disbelief and criminality, terrify his cursed government, and bomb them and scare them as a support to the vulnerable in the Central African Republic," the message read. "Neither Hollande, nor his soldiers, will know peace in France as long as the Muslims of Mali and the Central African Republic cannot live properly in their country."

Officially Iran, Sudan, and other Muslim states already committed to intervening in support of displaced Muslims communities. In Khartoum, the jihadists are burning French flags in solidarity rallies and recruiting volunteers for the jihad in the CAR. A trickle of jihadists, both Africans and Arabs, are already making their way to the CAR, either clandestinely or as members of numerous Muslim charities and NGOs out to help their brethren in distress.

Meanwhile, the AU peacekeepers — MISCA: International Support Mission to the Central African Republic — keep disengaging from challenging missions because of their mounting losses to ambushes by the Anti-Balaka forces.

On March 25, MISCA formally announced that "MISCA considers Anti-Balakas as terrorists and enemy combatants, and they shall be treated accordingly". The French forces still refuse to embrace the designation. Presently, overwhelmed by the sudden expansion and escalation of the fighting, Paris acknowledges that the intensity and spread of violence had been underestimated when France committed to military intervention.

The UN is seeking huge donations for meeting the most basic humanitarian needs of a crisis spinning out of control. France is looking for additional troops and resources from other EU states in order to confront the calamity and violence France had needlessly created out of sheer ignorance of the prevailing conditions in the CAR.

Meanwhile, the fragile and explosive situation in South Sudan is being aggravated through the negotiation sponsored by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The crux of the crisis is that African leaders are under immense pressure from foreign entities, mainly from the U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan, Donald Booth; the UN's Special Representative of the Secretary General and Head of UNMISS, Hilde Johnson of Norway; and Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General, Resident Coordinator, Humanitarian Coordinator and Resident Representative, UNMISS, Toby Lanzer of the United Kingdom.

Consequently, the IGAD conflict resolution process is well-meaning but out of touch with reality.

IGAD's objective is to create a process of negotiations and possible compromise (or power sharing) between two competing leaders/camps — South Sudan's democratically elected President Salva Kiir Mayardit and self-anointed rebel leader Riek Machar — which would lead to restructuring of governance in Juba after the elections of 2015.

However, the political dynamic does not reflect the real situation and tapestry of powers on the ground.

Back in mid-December 2013, Machar did attempt a coup under the banner of Nuer-against-Dinka tribal politics.

There have been very few takers. Instead, a myriad of locally-focused groups in northeastern South Sudan — only some of them Nuer — picked up arms in order to protest and further localized grievances against Juba.

Significantly, while all of these groups are anti-Juba/anti-Kiir, only a small minority are pro-Machar. Machar does not control these groups and cannot order them to fight or cease violence.

However, arranging for a ceasefire is a prerequisite for the beginning of negotiations in Addis Ababa. Indeed, in mid-March 2014, when IGAD announced the formation of the Protection Deterrent Force (PDF) for South Sudan, Machar announced that "his forces" would not cooperate with the PDF ostensibly because he had not been consulted in advance. The real reason is that Machar does not control "his forces" and cannot tell them to do anything, be it fight or ceasefire.

Therefore, for a genuine conflict resolution process to be effective in South Sudan, the complex reality on the ground must be recognized and addressed.

Conflict resolution should be in two distinct phases.

First, the diverse grievances of the myriad of grassroots groups (no matter how valid or invalid) should be addressed, studied, and, where warranted, resolved. This process should be conducted separately with each group. Ceasing violence should be a precondition to engaging these groups. Ultimately, each and every localized group should be convinced that Juba recognizes its plight and grievances, and is making a genuine effort to address and resolve them.

There is no other way to stop the bulk of the fratricidal violence currently plaguing northwestern South Sudan. The second phase can come only subsequent to this step.

Only when violence subsides or ceases would it be possible to engage in meaningful discussions and negotiations with ALL the key political camps in South Sudan — not just Kiir's and Machar's — about governance reforms and the future political process of the nation.

Significantly, President Kiir has outlined an eight-point "Road Map for Return to Peace and Moving The Country Forward" which comprehensively addresses his plans and conviction of what needs to be done (see annex below). These eight points must be taken into consideration by the international community, the UN, the AU, and IGAD when judging or criticizing President Kiir.

As well, it must be noted that there is no comparable document from the opposition camps (including Machar's). All the self-anointed opposition and their Western backers want is for President Kiir to leave power and for them to be empowered by the West.

However, the U.S. and UN keep pressuring the AU and IGAD to focus on simplistic Kiir-versus-Machar negotiations on governance reforms and election.

Meanwhile the PDF is preparing to suppress by force, if necessary, the lingering fighting.

Western financial and logistical support is conditioned on adopting this mandate. However, as presently planned and structured, the PDF will be ill-equipped to confront any of the myriad of localized forces in northeastern South Sudan. At best, the PDF will push the localized forces into the bush where they'll wait for another day to strike out anew.

As for the Addis Ababa negotiations, irrespective of their outcome, Machar cannot deliver the "rebel" side because he is not their leader. Therefore, nothing tangible can come out of the U.S.- and UN-demanded negotiations process other than diverting attention, efforts, and resources from pragmatically addressing the real crises in South Sudan.

The plights in South Sudan and the Central African Republic are not unique. The U.S. and West European advise — or, rather, their demands and instructions — to other African states immersed in insurgencies and fratricidal fighting, from Mali to Nigeria to Somalia, are equally unsuccessful, self-serving, and out of touch with the complex, nuanced, and convoluted realities on the ground.

While there is no denying of the growing importance of Africa's resources, there should also be no denying the West's endemic failure in interventions and crises management in the 21st Century. This is because of the profound lack of knowledge and comprehension of Africa's complex circumstances. While Sub-Saharan Africa desperately needs Western technological expertise and investments, and is ready to share its riches with the West to expedite these, African leaders know Africa far better than their Western counterparts.

Former Nigerian President Ibrahim Babangida clairvoyantly stressed that there was no substitute to finding and implementing "African solutions for African problems".

Annex: President Salva Kiir Mayardit's Road Map for Return to Peace and Moving The Country Forward:

1. An unconditional cessation of hostilities and ceasefire among the warring parties in the country as soon as possible.

2. Humanitarian assistance to the war affected citizens wherever they are in the country; while an immediate focus on efforts to return the Internal Displaced Persons (IDPs) home will be given quick attention.

3. Grand National Peace and Political Dialogue in the country with participation of the Suspects of the Coup. The suspects of the Coup will be subjected to due process of law. This is in accordance with the laws of the Republic and the Communiqué of IGAD Head of States in Nairobi on December 27th, 2013.

4. Continuation of investigations into the crisis and hold people accountable for the atrocities committed. The results and legal process shall be opened fully to the public.

5. Presidential Pardons and General Amnesty shall be part of peace efforts in accordance with the Constitution and laws of the Country.

6. Establishment of a National Peace and Reconciliation Council which shall reach all corners of South Sudan.

7. Review and strengthening of Government institutions in the country particularly the Army, Law Enforcement Agencies, Judiciary and Anti-Corruption.

8. Preparation for the Elections 2015 by conducting National Census, setting up of the Geographical constituencies and the Voter Registration List.

 

http://www.borglobe.com/25.html?m7:post=as-china-eats-wests-lunch-in-africa-bad-policy-reaps-chaos-in-south-sudan-car

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[RwandaLibre] Many Journalists Blocked By Kagame's Official Twitter Account.

 

Kagame trolls burn their bridges | Africa | Africa | Mail & Guardian

Government staff in Rwanda appear to be using fake accounts to harass
journalists on Twitter.


Rwanda has been accused of "unacceptable acts of harassment and
intimidation" against the media after a hostile pro-government Twitter
account using a fake name was traced to the president's office.

Paul Kagame's government last week deported Steve Terrill, a freelance
journalist from the United States who exposed the scandal, in its
latest attempt to crush freedom of expression at home and abroad,
according to the pressure group Reporters without Borders.

The strange case began with Sonia Rolley, a Radio France
Internationale journalist reporting on the deaths of Rwandan
dissidents, who was bullied for months on Twitter by an account with
the handle @RichardGoldston – apparently a reference to South African
judge Richard Goldstone, the first United Nations prosecutor for
Rwanda, though it had no connection to him.

During one bitter exchange Terrill intervened to demand that

@RichardGoldston stop the "misogynistic harassment" of Rolley. A
response then came not from

@RichardGoldston but from

Kagame's official Twitter account, which has 292 000 followers.

Observers seized on the apparent slip of the keyboard as evidence that
the person responsible for the aggressive tweets was close to Kagame
and acted with his blessing. As the controversy grew, the presidency
was forced to admit in a tweet: "@RichardGoldston was an unauthorised
account run by an employee in the presidency. It has been deleted and
the staff member reprimanded."

Inside the president's office

According to Reporters without Borders, Terrill had emailed the
president's office a few weeks earlier to say he had established that
the offensive @RichardGoldston tweets were coming from inside the
president's office, but he got no reply.

Then last weekend, as Terrill arrived in Kigali to report for Al
Jazeera and the Christian Science Monitor on the 20th anniversary of
the Rwandan genocide, he was refused entry at the airport. He was
detained for several hours and was then put on a flight to Ethiopia.
The government gave no reason for barring Terrill but tweeted an
article about an old judicial case in which he was exonerated.

Reporters without Borders said that, since the controversy erupted,
many journalists had been blocked by Kagame's official Twitter
account. It condemned the government's "lack of transparency and its
unacceptable acts of harassment and intimidation of journalists with
the aim of suppressing freedom of information and independent
reporting".

The group – which ranks Rwanda 162nd out of 180 countries in its press
freedom index – said several Ugandan journalists who covered
Rwanda-related stories had recently received threats from the Rwandan
regime, in some cases through its security and intelligence services.

Clea Kahn-Sriber, head of the Africa desk at Reporters without
Borders, said: "The Rwandan government often responds to charges of
blocking information by portraying itself as the target of malicious
international groups that secretly wage what it calls a Blame Rwanda
campaign.

Sensitive topics

"President Kagame needs to understand that people can use legitimate
arguments to criticise his government without questioning the very
foundations of the Rwandan state. How will his country be able to
rebuild its social fabric when raising even slightly sensitive
subjects are forbidden?"

@RichardGoldston, which trolled critics of Kagame including Human
Rights Watch, is far from the only Twitter account to have attacked
journalists in what many suspect is a concerted campaign.

In an article on the Daily Maverick website, journalist Simon Allison
wrote: "With a few unfortunate clicks,

@RichardGoldston lifted the facade on this operation – and gave us an
unprecedented insight into the heart of the presidency itself.

"The opinions and emotions expressed there certainly aren't diplomatic
but the world according to Kagame's troll reveals more about Rwanda
than a dozen carefully worded press releases ever could." –

© Guardian News & Media 2014

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://mg.co.za/article/2014-03-27-kagame-trolls-burn-their-bridges/&q=Kagame+trolls+burn+their+bridges&sa=X&ei=aHc4U-ejLOmusASzyoHQCg&ved=0CBYQFjAA

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[RwandaLibre] "We will stay there for one year until peace is fully restored", Tanzania Foreign Minister @ DR Congo.

 

Tanzania: Dar Keen On Peace Talks With Rwanda

6 posts - 3 authors - Last p
TANZANIA plans to hold talks with Rwanda to iron out differences that
the government says have been blown out of proportion by the media.

Revealing the above at a press conference in Dar es Salaam, Foreign
Affairs and International Cooperation Minister Bernard Membe stressed
that Tanzania has no conflict with Rwanda. "There has been what we
call a ball point war between Rwanda and Tanzania.

However, we are planning talks to iron out the differences that have
emerged -- and continue to live like brothers," Mr Membe explained.

The minister added that if left unchecked, such kind of media
propaganda can jeopardise relations between countries that have been
enjoying good diplomatic relations. He said what was missing between
the two countries is lack of trust, noting that it takes time to build
trust.

"The official talks between the two nations will be the starting
point," he pointed out.

A Rwandan newspaper, which is owned by the government, had published
fabricated and malicious reports accusing President Jakaya Kikwete of
supporting members of rebel groups opposed to the government in
Kigali.

Mr Membe said Tanzania did not send troops to the Democratic Republic
of Congo (DRC) to fight the M23 but rather it sent forces to join the
United Nations Peacekeeping Force there.

He said latest reports from Goma in DRC show that peace is finally
being restored in the area, which was essentially the mission of the
peacekeeping force.

"According to our envoy in Goma, peace is finally getting restored in
the area and our boys will stay there for one year until peace is
fully restored," he explained.

Meanwhile, commenting on the Lake Nyassa border conflict between
Tanzania and Malawi, Mr Membe said the two countries are expected to
meet with the Reconciliation Panel led by former Mozambican President
Joaquim Chissano in June after Malawi's general elections.

Mr Membe said the two parties will present the pro and cons of the
lake border being disputed in the second meeting. He reported that the
panel tasked the two parties to focus on social rather than legal
facts surrounding the lake conflict.

"The panel asked both parties to focus on local conditions around the
lake and the positive and negative impacts if the border is at the
middle or if the whole lakes belong to Malawi," he explained.

He said both parties presented before the panel legal evidence over
"who owns which" portion of the lake.

Copyright © 2014 Tanzania Daily News.

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://allafrica.com/stories/201403270096.html&q=Tanzania:+Dar+Keen+On+Peace+Talks+With+Rwanda&sa=X&ei=JHI4U-uIJPjJsQT-zIH4AQ&ved=0CBUQFjAA

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[RwandaLibre] War News Updates: major escalation of US forces in Uganda & no debate in Congress.

 

U.S. to step up efforts to hunt down bloodthirsty Ugandan warlord Joseph Kony

A NEWS AGGREGATOR THAT COVERS THE WORLD'S MAJOR WARS AND CONFLICTS.
MILITARY, POLITICAL, AND INTELLIGENCE NEWS ARE ALSO COVERED.
OCCASIONALLY WE WILL HAVE OUR OWN OPINIONS OR OBSERVATIONS TO MAKE.

Joseph Kony is the African warlord made infamous by the 2012
documentary Kony 2012
Kony has been indicted by the UN killing and mutilating innocent
civilians and kidnapping thousands of children, forcing them to be
soldiers and sex slaves
Kony has not been definitively seen in quite some time
President Barack Obama has ordered troops and aircraft to Uganda to
help local authorities hunt Kony

By DAILY MAIL REPORTER
PUBLISHED: 04:57 GMT, 24 March 2014 | UPDATED: 12:06 GMT, 24 March 2014

Wanted: Ugandan forces hunting for warlord Joseph Kony (pictured) have
hailed the arrest of one of his top commander's as an 'intelligence
coup'

U.S. President Barack Obama has reportedly stepped up efforts to
capture Ugandan warlord Joseph Kony.
Kony is the leader of the Lord's Resistance Army, which
is accused by the United Nations and human rights groups of killing
and mutilating innocent civilians and kidnapping thousands of
children, forcing them to be soldiers and sex slaves.
Obama has reportedly dispatched military aircraft to the central
African nation to help track the brutal warlord, with several CV-22
Osprey aircraft arriving in the troubled country by the middle of the
week.
The Washington Post, which broke the story about the Obama
administration's increased effort to track down Kony, reports that the
White House began notifying Congressional leaders about the plan on
Sunday night.

Officials emphasized that the Ospreys 'will be used for troop
transport and that the rules of engagement for U.S. forces remain the
same as for about 100 Special Operations troops that Obama first sent
to help find Kony in October 2011,' the paper reports.

U.S. military personnel will be allowed to 'provide information,
advice and assistance' to an African Union military task force
responsible for tracking Kony and the LRA.

U.S. forces are authorized to track Kony and his forces across Uganda,
the Central African Republic, South Sudan and Congo.

The U.S. soldiers are not authorized to engage the LRA unless it is in
self-defense.

The number of U.S. forces who will be a part of the operation to track
Kony are unlikely to exceed 300.

Horrific: Kony's guerilla army has abducted thousands of children in
central Africa to join it, forcing them to commit horrific acts of
violence

The new effort to bring Kony to justice comes as many believe that
much of his organization has been decimated in recent years -
especially after a 2012 documentary that brought the atrocities he's
alleged to have committed into the mainstream media.

According to the Washington Post, LRA attacks have decreased and the
number of people his regime is suspected of murdering has decreased by
more than 75 percent since 2010.

Additionally, there hasn't been a definitive sighting of Kony,
himself, in quite some time.

Kony recently became the focus of international attention after the
U.S. advocacy group Invisible Children made an online video seeking to
make him famous.


Scarred: Kony's LRA has ordered his young army to carry out acts of
mutilation on the faces of other youngsters

In 2005 the ICC indicted Kony, along with four other LRA commanders,
for crimes against humanity and war crimes. Two of them have since
died.

In 2011 Obama sent 100 troops to help regional governments eliminate the LRA.

But the manhunt for LRA leaders has proved tough, with the rebels
moving in very small groups and avoiding technology.

Encounters between Ugandan troops and the rebels are very rare. Only
about 200 LRA members remain the jungle, according to Ugandan
officials.


Out there: Northern Uganda where Kony was believed to be hiding with
members of the Lord's Resistance Army

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&u=http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2587704/U-S-step-efforts-hunt-bloodthirsty-Ugandan-warlord-Joseph-Kony.html&hl=en-CA&ei=D2E4U-HDA4TfsQfWmAE&wsc=yh

More News On Reports That The US Is Sending Military Aircraft And More
Special Forces To Hunt Down Ugandan Rebel Leader Joseph Kony.

Hunt for Joseph Kony takes U.S. into one of world's most dangerous
countries -- Washington Post

US to send more troops, aircraft to search for African warlord -- AP

U.S. sending more forces, aircraft to seek Uganda warlord Kony
-Pentagon -- Reuters

Obama sends aid to find Joseph Kony -- USA Today

Joseph Kony: US military planes to hunt LRA leader -- BBC

More U.S. Troops to Aid Uganda Search for Kony -- New York Times

US sending more troops, aircraft to hunt Ugandan warlord Kony -- FOX News

The Hunt for Ugandan Warlord Joseph Kony Just Got a Lot More Intense
-- Charlie Campbell, Time

My Comment: This is a major escalation of US forces in this conflict
.... and no debate in Congress.

POSTED BY WAR NEWS UPDATES EDITOR AT 6:30 AM

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[RwandaLibre] David Himbara @ Kagame & South Africa.

 

SA absconds from leadership role in Africa

March 30 2014 at 09:37am
By David Himbara Comment on this story

AP

Rwandan President Paul Kagame. File picture by: Sayyid Azim, File

Related Stories

Why SA has fallen out with Rwanda
Rwandan's death is sinister
SA, Rwandan relations a conundrum

David Himbara asks why SA appear to be weak to an inconsequential
aggressor like Rwanda?

South Africa and Rwanda are as different as night and day. South
Africa's population is nearly five times bigger with 52.5 million
people versus Rwanda's 11.4 million. South Africa is Africa's largest
economy with a gross domestic product (GDP) of $384.3 billion (R4.1
trillion) while Rwanda is among the smallest with a GDP of $7.1bn.

South Africa is a multiparty democracy with an independent judiciary
and robust media. Rwanda is an autocratic state in which genuine
opposition and media leaders are either in prison or exile.

South Africa's African policy has been mainly to support continental
institution-building such as the AU and associated organs, including
the New Partnership for Africa's Development and Pan-African
Parliament. Rwanda's has been mainly internal and external aggression.

For example, between 1998 and 2000, Kenya severed diplomatic relations
with Rwanda after Seth Sendashonga, Rwanda's former minister of the
interior, was assassinated in Nairobi.

In 1999 and 2000, Rwanda fought with Uganda inside the Democratic
Republic of Congo after the two belligerents invaded that country
twice – in 1996 and 1998.

Relations between Rwanda and Tanzania nearly broke down last year
after President Jakaya Kikwete suggested Rwanda negotiate with its
opposition groups.

Rwanda's President Paul Kagame responded that he would "hit" Kikwete
at an opportune moment.

This month, South Africa and Rwanda expelled their diplomats in
response to the fourth attempted murder in Joburg of the exiled former
Rwandan army chief of staff Kayumba Nyamwasa. This was after the
murder of exiled former Rwandan intelligence chief Patrick Karegeya in
South Africa on New Year's Day.

Two related questions arise. Why does South Africa with its moral
capital, democratic credentials, size and proven continental
leadership appear to be weak and accommodating to an inconsequential
aggressor like Rwanda?

Why appease a foreign state whose embassy is a war room of assassins
intent on killing refugees on South African soil?

The answers are to be found in the nature of African leadership or, to
be precise, the leadership vacuum at country level and in continental
institutions.

Despite recent democratic gains on the continent, Africa faces an
unenviable situation. African countries are either characterised by
entrenched authoritarian rulers or fragile democracies in which
leaders are preoccupied with domestic agendas. The two realities have
had a devastating impact on the AU and associated institutions.

Thirteen years after replacing the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU), the AU has quietly reverted to being the OAU.

We may recall the infamous clause that rendered the OAU a club of
autocrats, namely, "non-interference in the internal affairs of sister
states" no matter what crime they committed against their own
citizens. Africa is creeping back to that state of affairs.

For example, the extraordinary session of the AU assembly on October
12 resolved that no sitting African head of state shall appear before
any court during their term of office.

The AU resolution sought to protect Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto
whose cases for crimes against humanity were referred to the
International Criminal Court long before the two became Kenyan
president and deputy president respectively in April last year.
Sudan's military strongman Omar al-Bashir, who is indicted for war
crimes in Darfur, is safeguarded by the same AU resolution.

African leaders are, therefore, constructing a fortified wall around
themselves, citing a non-interference clause in another guise.

Within this broad context, African leadership realities become crystal
clear. Continental leadership is a combination of autocrats and heads
of fragile democracies with no one willing to rock the boat.

Thrown to the wind is leadership by principles that showed greater
promise with the launch of the AU in 2002. Appeasement or the yielding
to the demands and behaviour of belligerents is back in. As in the
days of the OAU, conciliatory "African values", even at the expense of
justice or other principles, are becoming the norm.

This is the environment in which aggressors such as Rwanda thrive. As
they push their luck and there is no one to say "don't", they become
more adventurous. The more countries turn a blind eye by hiding behind
appeasement masquerading as "African values" in dealing with the likes
of Rwanda, the more Rwanda engages in what Justice Minister Jeff
Radebe mildly termed "illegal activities".

South Africa is, by any definition, a big political and economic power
in Africa. To quote Voltaire, "with great power comes great
responsibility".

By absconding from its leadership role, South Africa is creating space
for small-time tyrants to create chaos – not only on the continent but
even inside South Africa. Tolerating such behaviour makes a mockery of
what South Africa stands for. South Africa is about constitutionalism,
the rule of law and comradeship with African people, who desperately
seek to domesticate these values in their own countries.

*Himbara is a Rwandan exile and South African permanent resident. He
is a former senior advisor to President Paul Kagame.
** The views expressed here are not necessarily those of Independent
Newspapers.

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[RwandaLibre] Re: Obama Sends More U.S. Troops to ...Uganda?

 

Avec leurs écoutes électroniques, ils ont eu vent que quelque chose se
préparait dans le secteur. Je ne pense pas que leur souci soit Joseph
Kony, pas plus que se battre pour Kagame ou Museveni. Ils ont tiré des
leçons du fiasco des évacuations de leurs ressortissants du
Sud-Soudan. Ils veulent éviter que ce genre de fiasco se répète. Une
zone de combat des troupes d'élite sudafricaines et tanzaniennes n'est
pas un camp de vancaces. La bataille de Bangui est en le plus récent
témoin!

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On The Legacy of Numerous Genocide Memorials in Rwanda

http://hungryoftruth.blogspot.com/2009/08/on-legacy-of-numerous-genocide.html?m=1

On The Legacy of Numerous Genocide Memorials in Rwanda

By Mamadou Kouyate

August 9, 2009

Upon touring Rwanda, the following question might surely pup up in one's mind: why are there so many genocide memorials scattered throughout Rwanda? Without any doubt, most people might proudly respond: for remembrance.

In reality, don't they constitute a powerful weapon for domestic and foreign policies for Kagame and his authoritarian regime? Don't they also constitute permanent sanctuaries that continue to fuel ethnic hatred between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda?

Rwanda is the only country where there are more memorials in the world, in numbers and per head of population per square kilometer. Indeed, in each village, each city, apparently for the so called "do not forget" slogan, there is a genocide memorial in memory of Tutsi victims of the Rwandan genocide in 1994.

For instance, the Gisozi genocide memorial in Kigali City, which comprises more than 250,000 of body remains, is the most visited, and of course, the most expensive one. Unfortunately, it is true that the establishment of the exact identity of each victim would not be an easy task. Such an operation would rather be so costly and difficult given the circumstances in which various massacres occurred. During the one hundred days of the Rwandan genocide, the unspeakable animosity of some people against others made it possible for Interahamwe militia and RPF soldiers, to behave as a butcher at work in his butchery. Unspeakable abomination but true!

Beyond the sensitivity of this issue and the duties of remembrance that are of course important without any doubt, wouldn't be appropriate for all Rwandan citizens and all friends of Rwanda to ask themselves the following question: are these numerous genocide memorials whose maintenance costs millions Rwandan francs -funds that could be spent on many development projects crucially needed– really fostering reconciliation in Rwanda? Isn't it true that these memorials have really become sanctuaries of ethnic hatred and antagonism between Hutus and Tutsis rather than an instrument of national unity?

Upon coming to power in 1994, the RPF regime claimed that the genocide against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus took place in Rwanda from April to July 1994. This genocide was stopped when RPF soldiers captured Kigali City on July 4, 1994.

In 2003 a new Rwandan constitution has been adopted. In its article 14 it is written that "The State shall, within the limits of its capacity, take special measures for the welfare of the survivors of genocide who were rendered destitute by the genocide committed in Rwanda from October 1st, 1990 to December 31st, 1994, the disabled, the indigent and the elderly as well as other vulnerable groups.

In 2008, the above article has been amended to include a statement that from now on the constitution will refer to the 1994 genocide as a "genocide committed on Tutsis" not "against Tutsis and moderate Hutus" as previously stated.

Such manipulations of the Rwandan constitution may at least in part explain why human rights advocates reject Kagame's view that Rwandans must view themselves only as Rwandans and stop using the words "Hutu" and "Tutsi." This may also explain why many Rwandans albeit in Rwanda or scattered worldwide do not necessarily recognize themselves in annual ceremonies organized by the RPF regime for the commemoration of the Rwandan genocide.

Upon visiting one of these genocide memorials, how does a Rwandan feel about his or her fellow Rwandan citizens from a different ethnic background?

In case of a Tutsi, a Tutsi who survived the genocide, he or she might be attempted to blame all Hutus, who could therefore all be readily seen as reckless murderers, or simply an incarnation of evil.

In case of a Hutu, a Hutu who knows the truth about what really happened before, during, and after those one hundred days of genocide, he or she will feel afflicted by such an unprecedented history of injustice.

Make no mistakes. African fellows recognize each other in their way of thinking. There is no doubt that only an African can thoroughly understand the reasoning of another African mostly owing to the fact that the cartesianism theory is still to a very large extent limited to Westerners.

What about a foreign visitor, knowing that it is only on Hutus - following numerous lie propagandas perpetrated by Kagame and his acolytes – that the international community in its little impartiality if any, has chosen to put the collective responsibility for this tragedy in Rwanda?

Any world citizen with good will should have the courage to admit and say loud and crystal clear, that Rwanda's genocide memorials, which look more likely as fortress of the inter-ethnic hatred, are not conducive to the indulgence, forgiving while remembering, reconciliation and sincere and harmonious coexistence between Rwandans of all ethnic backgrounds, aimed at promoting the emergence of a genuine republican and democratic society, free of all the demons of hatred and inter-ethnic civil wars.

It is therefore wise to recognize that there is a real risk for both Rwandans and foreigners, that some people will eventually get persuaded by numerous RPF lie propagandas about the root cause of the Rwandan tragedy, that all Hutus- who are wrongly labeled as the only bad guys, hence guilty- should be tracked down or be locked up, in a sense of global and permanent conviction, and that it is a right thing to strike them indefinitely for their heinous crimes.

For these past 15 years, such an attitude gave Kagame the green light to monopolize all powers to the expenses of the Rwandan people except for a few families close to Kagame, under the umbrella of countering attempts to exterminate part of the Rwandan population by extremists Hutus, although all Rwandans know that Kagame was the mastermind of the Rwandan genocide and one of the key players in the massacres of innocent civilians that ravaged Rwanda and are still going on in DRC.

As a result, such a scenario has led to the current political deadlock in Rwanda which could be tackled by good political initiatives or attempts to hold a genuine political dialogue highly inclusive of all Rwandans. Such an inter-Rwandan dialogue should aim at bringing about true national reconciliation, real security, development and lasting peace, which are of vital interest, for Rwanda, DRC, and the African Great Lakes region as a whole.

Related Materials:

The Legacy of The Crematoriums of Rwanda

Rwanda Genocide Memorial

Rwandan hero gets warm welcome at Holocaust Museum

Rwanda gives ex-leaders immunity

The Grinding Machine: Terror and Genocide in Rwanda

Rwanda: Damning testimonies against the Rwandan Patriotic Front

On The Myth Of Collective Responsibility In Rwandan Genocide

The Hidden Story Behind Rwanda's Tragedy

Bush Defends Clinton's Record on Genocide in Rwanda

The US Destructive Role In The Rwandan Tragedy

HOTEL RWANDA: Hollywood and the Holocaust in Central Africa

Merchants of Death: Exposing Corporate Financed Holocaust in Africa