The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

3 Mar 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] PhD crisis in Uganda’s private universities

 

·         PhD crisis in Uganda's private universities

Image credit: Jon Spaull

Speed read

·         As private universities expand in East Africa education standards may be falling
·         Regulatory failures and a scarcity of PhD-qualified staff are major problems
·         But private universities will likely play a big role in Africa's education revolution 
In 2013 all 66 doctorates awarded by Kampala International University in the previous two years were declared invalid by the Uganda National Council for Higher Education. The council said they did not meet required academic standards, forcing the university to stop awarding PhDs and investigate the problem. 

Private universities like Kampala International University (KIU) are mushrooming across East Africa. So was the slamming of these PhDs symptomatic of a large-scale dilution in academic quality as private sectoreducation expands? Or was it part of the inevitable learning process, as a new institution looks to compete with the more well-established public universities? 

The truth is probably a mixture of the two. Now a SciDev.Netinvestigation reveals questions not just over KIU's conduct but also the body purporting to regulate it. 
Private boom

The demand for higher education far outstrips supply in Africa's long-neglected public universities. For decades governments have focused on primary and secondary education, so there are more students than ever clamouring to enter higher education. With the public universities run-down, private ones have emerged to fill the void. Soon profit-focussed private universities will outnumber government-funded institutions in Africa. [1] 

In the East African Community there are 361 universities offering 4,700 higher education programmes. In the case of Uganda there was only the one university, Makerere, up until 1988. By 1998 this had risen to seven and by the end of 2014 there were 36 universities — all but eight of which were private. Uganda has long been seen as a centre of academic learning in East Africa, partly because of the good reputation of Makerere University and partly because its universities charge lower fees compared with neighbouring countries. Yet this rapid expansion of the private sector presents a region-wide challenge to governments: how to maintain quality in the higher education sector. 

That task falls to the Inter-University Council for East Africa (IUCEA), established in 1980 by the East African Community to coordinate the development of higher education and research in its member states of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda (since expanded to include Burundi and Rwanda).  

According to the council's executive secretary, Mayunga Nkunya, IUCEA was established "to guard against the devaluation of quality in higher education with this rapid expansion". 

It has tried to harmonise quality assurance across its member countries since 2006, yet currently only 105 of the region's 361 universities are signed to IUCEA. The council has proposed that membership be mandatory and is hoping this will be agreed later this year by the East African Community. It then plans to publish a register of all accredited programmes to act as a seal of approval for them. 
Uganda's academic scene

In Uganda private universities have also started to move into the postgraduate market, offering masters course and in a few cases PhDs. 

The country's National Council Higher Education was established by the government's universities and other tertiary institutions act of 2001 to ensure "excellence, access and relevance of Uganda's universities to national development". As one of the member countries' regulatory bodies it works in partnership with the IUCEA to assure quality in Uganda for all East African students. 

KIU is one of the largest private universities in Uganda, with around 10,000 students. Established in 2001, it quickly expanded and now has a second campus in Tanzania. Its expansion was so rapid it began offering unaccredited PhDs in humanities in 2007 — two years before the Uganda National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) gave it the right to do so in 2009.
 
Dissenting voices

Sarah Kyolaba is the graduate research and teaching coordinator for the College of Higher Degrees and Research at KIU. She is a product of the university, having obtained her first degree, masters and a PhD there. So perhaps it is unsurprisingly she is a proponent of private universities. 

Sarah Kyolaba. Credit: Jon Spaull
She says that for too long in Africa there has been a deliberate ploy amongst the older generation of academics to stymie the careers of younger ones, for fear of the competition they pose. She believes universities like KIU are gradually "washing away" this culture, challenging the notion that PhD holders should be in their fifties (the average age of PhD graduates in Uganda is 48) but rather, as in Europe, be predominantly young academics who still have the "guts to be productive". 

One of the criticisms often levelled at KIU and other private universities like it is that their PhDs are taught, with only a small research component. Kyolaba rejects this criticism. All KIU's doctoral students have to publish at least two articles in peer reviewed journals, she says. 

Nevertheless, eyebrows have been raised in Uganda's academic community at the sheer volume of PhDs that KIU is churning out. In 2011 — only its second year of awarding PhDs — KIU graduated 24 of them. In 2012 this increased to 42. How could a university this young produce a similar number of PhDs to Makerere, the country's oldest and most prestigious university? 

Like other African countries, Uganda has few PhD holders: only about 1,000. Fewer than 12 per cent of academic staff hold a doctorate. 

Given the scarcity of PhDs in Uganda, some academics question whether KIU has the requisite qualified staff to supervise that many PhD students. But Kyolaba says supervisors are drawn from other universities in Uganda and elsewhere, as well as retired academics who taught at Makerere. 

"When someone says that KIU produces low quality then I say that all universities in Uganda produce low quality — because these are the same people," she says. 
PhD post-mortem

In response to academic disquiet, NCHE set up a taskforce in 2013 to examine the 66 PhDs KIU awarded in 2011 and 2012. It ruled that all were substandard: eight needed minor corrections, 36 needed major revisions, and 22 were beyond revision. 

The taskforce was highly critical of the KIU processes and systems for regulating PhD quality. They discovered that seven of the PhD supervisors did not have PhDs themselves, while others held PhDs from universities not recognised by NCHE. It also criticised the high ratio of supervisors to students — in one case a supervisor tended 14 students — and found plagiarism and ill-conceived theses. 

Kyoloba does not accept all these findings, and she is angry about how NCHE has dealt with KIU in general. 

She says the council should have monitored the university and stepped in to rectify any perceived problems as they arose. 

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"When you give [a university] a charter you are supposed to monitor what they do," she says. "You should not just do a post mortem on someone who is already dead." 

She also accuses the NHCE of relying on academics from rival institutions to assess the papers. "There is an issue of rivalry between the universities … what do you expect?" she says. 

Her allegations aren't unfounded. The Council's executive director, John Opuda-Asibo, took up his position in 2013 after chairing the taskforce into KIU while he was acting vice-chancellor of Kyambogo University, the second largest public university after Makerere. 
Duplicate coursesHe sympathises with the view that NCHE failed in its duty to monitor and advise KIU whilst the students were studying, but argues that ultimately, as an autonomous institution, KIU must bring "itself out of that quagmire".  He says that it was not a lack of capacity but rather a failure to follow procedures that KIU itself had established that led to the substandard PhDs. 

Opuda-Asibo is keen to take a corrective, rather than punitive stance, and is pleased that KIU have not challenged NCHE's ruling, working with the Council to correct its mistakes.  The NCHE has since approved 22 of the 66 PhDs.  

Aside from dodgy PhDs, the IUCEA has another concern relating to East Africa's burgeoning private universities: the proliferation of unregulated courses on offer. 

Nkunya, IUCEA's executive secretary, cites the example of one university in the region that advertises 610 programmes, which he sees as far too many for a small university. He thinks many of these are 'duplicates' — similar courses designed to encourage students to study both of them — and wants countries to do more to regulate this. 

Ugandan law states that the NCHE must accredit higher education courses before they can be taught. But this hasn't deterred several universities from offering unaccredited courses. 

Two private universities have had their license to operate revoked by the NCHE for this: Fairland University in 2013 and Kayiwa International University in 2014. In October 2014 five universities, including Makerere, were reprimanded for teaching courses without applying for full accreditation from the NCHE. Students at Kyambogo University subsequently went on strike, fearful that their qualifications would not be recognised.  
Threat or "hiccup"?

Nkunya is not concerned by the expansion of private universities in itself, if they are properly regulated. 

His biggest concern is the scarcity of PhD-qualified academics in East Africa. In the short term the situation will worsen, he thinks, as the current generation of academics retires and the higher education sector continues to expand.  

This pressure is forcing universities to hire staff who are not properly qualified, and the demand for academics with PhDs results in moonlighting, as underpaid lecturers "roam from one university to another". As a result teaching and research are compromised as academics have no time for quality research, preparation, grading or interaction with students. 

Opuda-Asibo sees these problems as merely an inevitable "hiccup" in a sector still in its infancy. For him, it's no different from other countries who have experienced this same rapid expansion. 

He appreciates though, that before the NCHE can be truly effective in guiding the sector through its growing pains, it needs more resources. 

"We as a council are doing the right thing — but we could do better," he says, citing problems such as the NCHE's inadequate facilities and finances as obstacles. Currently the NHCE is working out of a premises owned by Kyambogo University. It has a workforce of just 40 and so has to hire consultants to help monitor universities across Uganda. 

Opuda-Asibo has no doubt that private universities are making an important contribution to expanding the quantity and quality of higher education in Uganda. 

If anything they are "rescuing the situation", he says. "Some of the private universities at undergraduate level are already doing better than public universities."  

He believes the NCHE just needs "to supervise them", and persuade them to adhere to the agreed quality assurance measures and separate academic management from the interests of private owners. 
To this end NHCE is reviewing and developing a minimum standard and framework for masters and PhD degrees for the Uganda's entire university system. 

Back at KIU, Kyolaba says once the remaining issues of the 66 PhDs have been resolved, the university will resume awarding doctorates, aiming to graduate between 20 and 30 a year. She has no doubt that KIU will one day overtake Makerere as the most prestigious university in Uganda.  

Whether this bold claim will be realised only time will tell. But if Africa is to deliver on ambitious PhD training targets — the World Bank has called for the continent to train 10,000 PhDs in the next ten years — then private universities may have to be part of the mix. They will need effective monitoring and regulation to ensure that dream is not jeopardised.
 
Additional reporting by Esther Nakkazi. 

This is part of the Africa's PhD Renaissance series funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York. 

References

[1] The careers and producitivity of doctorate holders: Uganda report 2012(Uganda National Council for Science and technology, 2012)
[2] Wachira Kigotho New partnerships to support 10,000 new PhDs in Africa (University World News, 11 July 2014)  
 

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.