The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

4 Dec 2014

Fwd: No. 27458: Angola: How Police Commanders Brutally Assaulted Laurinda Gouveia -- Human Rights



AfricaFiles



Title: Angola: How Police Commanders Brutally Assaulted Laurinda Gouveia
Author: Rafael Marques de Morais
Category: Human Rights
Date: 12/2/2014
Source: Maka Angola
Source Website: http://makaangola.org/

African Charter Article# 10: Every individual shall have the right to free association provided that they abide by the law.

Summary & Comment: In tried and true reliance on police violence, the dos Santos regime has badly beaten up demonstrators calling on the President to resign. The regime clings to power, heedless of its reputation among the people or its African neighbours.One day the people will prevail; repression cannot last forever, but the people will. JK



http://makaangola.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11502:how-police-commanders-brutally-assaulted-laurinda-gouveia&catid=28&Itemid=230&lang=en

One National Police officer grabbed Laurinda Gouveia's mobile phone, and another punched her in the face. They dragged her a few meters, by the hair, to a National Police vehicle. Laurinda committed the crime of treason by attempting to take part in a demonstration demanding the resignation of president José Eduardo dos Santos. What followed is her personal ordeal.

Last Sunday, November 23, at around 4pm, Laurinda, a 2nd year student of Philosophy at the Catholic University, and part-time street vendor of barbecued meat, went to Independence Square in Luanda, in the company of three other activists. While her companions were trying to get to the Agostinho Neto monument, Laurinda was taking pictures from a distance.

"The National Police patrol car took me to the 1st of May School [Commercial Institute of Luanda], beside the Square. Six police commanders and plain clothes SINSE (State Security and Intelligence Service) officials surrounded me and beat me, while their subordinates looked on", described Laurinda, still bedridden.

"The commander from Luanda Island Police Station said to me: 'you shit whore, here you are causing trouble'. He punched me between the eyes and the others started hitting me", explained the girl.

According to the victim, they handcuffed her arms behind her back so that she couldn't ward off the blows. The commanders kept hitting her with cudgels, truncheons and steel cables, swapping these implements between them as they beat her.

Laurinda Gouveia urinated three times during the ordeal. "I begged for mercy. One commander told me: 'you'll not only piss, you're going to shit yourself here with the beating'", she said.

They also hit her around the head with cudgels. "One of the SINSE officials asked me if I recognised him. I said I didn't. He sent for an iron bar. He stood on my legs and hit me on the back with the bar. He said there was hot chilli on the bar", revealed the victim.

In desperation, Laurinda Gouveia rolled under the car that was parked beside her: "The commander ordered the driver to start the car and roll over me, so I came out. They put me face down and started hitting me on the buttocks with a truncheon, at least 50 times. Then, they did the same to the soles of my feet and my head."

According to Laurinda Gouveia, one police officer filmed every detail of her beating. She said she fainted several times during the two hours of continuous beating.

"Another commander grabbed me by the hair and started dragging me. I bit his hand", revealed the activist. "He was furious and said: 'I don't know if you have AIDS, but now you're going to dance!'. He picked up a universal phone charger with several leads, and started hitting me around the eyes with it. One of the other commanders told him to be careful not to damage the charger".

Such was the violence of the attack that Laurinda Gouveia believed she was going to die there and then: "They were going to kill me, but one of the commanders said that this beating was only the beginning: 'If we catch you here again, we will kill you'".

"'This one who sells barbecued meat in Cassenda neighborhood, she comes in here trying to destabilize the country', said one of the SINSE officials, letting me know he knew where I lived", stated Laurinda Gouveia.

When the young activist appeared to be at death's door, the "commanders" dumped her in front of the Angolan Writers' Union, in School Square, less than 300 meters from the place where she had been brutalized.

An ambulance came on the scene, whether by coincidence or not, and took her to Prenda Hospital. There was another activist in the same ambulance. His story is told below.

Baixa de Kassanje - another victim of vicious beating

Oldair Fernandes, "Baixa de Kassanje", 24 years old, an IT technician, also relived the moments of torture he experienced when he arrived at Independence Square, in the company of Laurinda Gouveia and two other young people.

"When the three of us tried to get around the police barrier at the edge of the square, we were surrounded by about 20 police officers. It was Commander Francisco Notícias himself [Commander of the Maianga Division of the National Police], who grabbed me, while five SINSE agents beat me with iron bars. Then they took me into the 1st of May school", revealed Baixa de Kassanje.

Inside the public school grounds, "more than ten men beat me with iron bars and sticks. They were in a rage. I fainted several times", he stated.

In a split second when his aggressors were off-guard, Baixa de Kassanje said he made a run for it and leapt into a Toyota Hiace taxi: "The agents broke the Hiace's windows, but the driver showed great courage and didn't stop. He took me a certain distance where he thought I would be safe, and he let me out".

The activist added that Superintendent Francisco Notícias only sent an ambulance "to check if we were living or dead". The ambulance found him where the taxi had left him.
In Prenda Hospital, the two activists were put on intravenous drips for the night. Both patients stated that they were given no other medical care, not even an analgesic: "They put us on a drip for the night and that was all".

Officers from SINSE and the National Police stayed with them at the hospital, in an attempt to interrogate the two of them: "They were there overseeing us, but I didn't answer any of their questions. Activist Nito Alves, who was there supporting us, shouted at them from time to time, to leave us alone", recalled Baixa de Kassanje.

Both Laurinda Gouveia and Baixa de Kassanje are bedridden, afraid and lack the means to receive proper medical attention.

"SINSE is still hanging around my house, interrogating my neighbors. They are still watching me", says Baixa de Kassanje.

Maka Angola contacted the Provincial Command of the National Police in Luanda, to obtain an official account of the events. The meeting took place, but it was unable to get any answers on the record.

The previous day's violence

The previous day, on the November 22, two groups of protestors, each with around 20 young people, tried a new strategy. The first group was going to remain in Independence Square, and the second group planned to march in the direction of the Presidential Palace, in the Cidade Alta, with both groups demanding the president's resignation. In the meantime, a third group of demobilized soldiers, demanding pensions appeared.

At around 11am, 12 of the youths who were marching on the palace were pursued between Maianga and the National Assembly, among them Raúl Mandela, David Salei and Beimani Residentível. Not having reached the palace, the youths regrouped in Independence Square, where they met up with Red Miguel, Álvaro Binga, MC Life, Dago Nível Intelectual and others.

The police were quick to arrest all the abovementioned youth. Not only did the officers beat them all with steel cables and truncheons; they kicked them and even took them out of the city. They were eventually set free, one by one, at considerable intervals so that they couldn't meet up, in the municipality of Cacuaco.

According to details given by Osvaldo Manuel João to Maka Angola, "the police took our phones, our identification papers and all of our money on the orders of Commander Francisco Notícias."

Journalist Sedrick de Carvalho, who was alongside Commander Notícias, explained that, initially, the commander ordered his men not to arrest any of the activists.

However, he saw agents scuffling with some of the youths, and one of them actually punched a police officer. At this point: "the commander had my phone confiscated and then the beatings began", recalls Sedrick de Carvalho, whose phone was kept by the police for about an hour.

By arrangement with the youths, a group of a few dozen war veterans also attempted to converge on the streets around Maianga to march on the palace. "Since they had military training, they were able to react to the Rapid Intervention Police (PIR). The Ninjas [PIR] didn't manage to overpower them [the veterans] like they did with us, beating their way through us", explained Raúl Mandela. The activist said that the security services did not arrest any of the veterans.

According to his evidence, Raúl Mandela was beaten by police officers with iron bars, and his right arm was swollen.

There is another curious detail to the story. The provincial government gave permission for a teachers' rally in commemoration of Teachers' Day, and another for the ruling MPLA youth (JMPLA) for the same time. According to Raúl Mandela, the anti-regime demonstrators evaded security by wearing T-shirts belonging to the teachers' rally, while others wore JMPLA T-shirts and caps, but stuck to their demands.

The official strategy of holding pro-regime rallies to put a damper on anti-regime demonstrations did not succeed due to infiltration. "When the police became aware, they had to put an end to all the demonstrations, we were all mixed in together", stated Raúl Mandela.

Protests or a game of cat and mouse

It has been like this since 2011: a youth group announces an anti-government protest, police and security services make it their business to arrest, beat and disperse them.

Last weekend, this tragicomedy repeated itself. What do the young people gain through provocation and what do the authorities gain through repression? What is the actual value of the Constitution, which allows for peaceful demonstrations by citizens?These questions are worth analyzing.

On Sunday, several young revolutionaries joined a pilgrimage to Sant'Ana Cemetery in Luanda, organized by CASA-CE and led by Abel Chivukuvuku, in memory of Manuel Hilbert Ganga. It was the first anniversary of the assassination of the young CASA-CE activist by presidential security services, on November 23, 2013. This march had police protection and went ahead peacefully.

Invariably, anti-government protest efforts are demonstrations against President José Eduardo dos Santos. This time, just as on several previous occasions, the young people demanded his resignation.

Why the focus on the president? His longevity in power for 35 years is merely a detail. The fundamental question is the Constitution of 2010, which abolished the government as one of the four bodies of sovereignty. The new Constitution establishes only three sovereign bodies; the president of the Republic, the Parliament and the Courts.

In turn, the president of the Republic is the head of the Executive, the term given to the government formed by him merely as an auxiliary body of his absolute power. Furthermore, the president is first elected for Parliament.

The trouble is that the president has always been an opportunistic leader. When something in government turns out well, all the plaudits are for him. Whereas, he is not responsible for on-going bad government policy, such as impunity, corruption and unemployment. He is not responsible for any of it.

It is in this process of denial of the reality of the country that the ruling MPLA, the state propaganda and repression are used as the president's tools to squash dissent.

Where the MPLA is concerned, these young people are the seeds of hidden forces which could destabilize the party's 39 years of power in Angola. For the MPLA, the ordinary Angolan has no individual thought, feels no hunger, and has no notion of the reality. Any Angolan who thinks, but does not put his knowledge at the service of the MPLA, is a danger, an agent of evil. Today, the essence of the MPLA is little more than an organization of criminals hell-bent on robbing the country, destroying its citizenry, and the moral principles that ought to guide the behavior of a society.

Today, a patriot is one who supports and lives off corrupt schemes; reveres incompetence; follows hammerheads such as Bento Bento, and applauds delinquents such as Bento Kangamba, the current crop of MPLA leaders.

State media propaganda, disseminated by the Angolan Public Television (TPA), the National Radio of Angola (RNA) and the only daily newspaper in the country, Jornal de Angola, is used to stupefy the ordinary Angolan. Those citizens who refuse to be stupefied, and therefore fully demand their constitutional rights are liable to be beaten at will. Such citizens are not good Angolans.

But what do the young people gain from all the demonstrations? Above all, they prove the democratic unsustainability of the regime. How can a handful of youths march on the palace and wake up the president, who has an indescribable security apparatus? Or is it just a smokescreen?

Nevertheless, the fear that the country's leadership feels towards the people is far greater than the confidence they have in their system of repression.

What does the regime gain from the beatings? It lends continuity to its tradition of violence as a means of maintaining power. Inarguably, it is a formula which has been used with great success.

There are two obstacles that society needs to overcome in order to validate its constitutional rights in a unified manner: corruption and the absence of a visionary leadership which could guide the people along the right path.






Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the AfricaFiles' editors and network members. They are included in our material as a reflection of a diversity of views and a variety of issues. Material written specifically for AfricaFiles may be edited for length, clarity or inaccuracies.


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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.