The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

13 Dec 2014

Fwd: No. 27467: Governmental and political influence on Canadian missionaries and the Central Angolan church -- History


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AfricaFiles



Title: Governmental and political influence on Canadian missionaries and the Central Angolan church
Author: Jim Kirkwood
Category: History
Date: 11/28/2014
Source: Tubman Institute York U.
Source Website: www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=27467

African Charter Article# 17: Every individual shall have the right to education, cultural life, and the promotion and protection of values.

Summary & Comment: Walter Currie was the first Canadian missionary to Central Angola. He joined American Congregational missionaries and there emerged by 1957 an indigenous church with extensive systems of educational, health, agriculture, and social services. The work was much influenced by governments and by civil war, beginning with the Portuguese colonial power, the liberation movements MPLA and UNITA, and the first Angolan government from 1975. The United Church of Canada was also influential. JK



www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=27467

To examine this mutual influence I will examine and see how the following players affected and were affected by each other and influenced life in Angola

1) Portuguese government and its colonial administration.

2)Canadian Missionaries and North American churches that sponsored them.

3) The Church of Central Angola, and its North American partners.

4) The liberation movements, MPLA and UNITA

5) Angolan government

1 -Portuguese government, and its colonial administration controlled everything in Angola as far as they were able, given their limited manpower in a huge territory. Needing to fulfill the conditions of the Berlin accord and the economic hopes and needs of the `motherland'.

a) Their understanding of the Angolans:- inferior, intended to be servants and labourers, superstitious, potentially devious and dangerous; .to be controlled, disciplined, Christianized,

And to be played off one tribe against the other.

b) Their understanding of Protestant missionaries and emerging church: Inferior, peripheral, representing interests of America;

. The Protestant church in central Angola- the missionaries were hard working and built community and influence. But officially they were low status, indeed a problem to the government who feared what they might report to USA government or international inquiring bodies about, and their occupation of the whole territory, and labour abuse, and slavery.

However missionaries could normally be discriminated against with impunity to slow their rapid spread. Still, a remote Portuguese administrator might need the missionary doctor's services.

The Catholic Church was the official church, with power, status and it was supported by the state in its educational and health and other service, even in the support of priests.

c)- Angola- was considered an overseas province-part of Portugal -with Portuguese settlers; civil service; soldiers and police, and the feared PIDE- secret police. Provincial governors and local administrators. Whose economy was meant to benefit European investors.

d) Law and order:. (Missionaries and church were much affected by these- the systems for police, judges, property owners etc were straight from Portugal and very different from British/American systems) )

-Visas and re-entry visas - important especially in 60's and 70's when some missionaries were refused re-entry. So missionaries had to keep a good record and on good terms with the police and government officials.

-Customs and immigration and deportation -many supplies were imported for the missions, duties were heavy; discounts were needed.

-travel permission for missionaries' movements and routes

-Regulations for new buildings and programs of the church for education, medical treatment, and agricultural and technical projects and training. E.g. there were state limits on higher education for Angolans, and overseas study. Doctors, lawyers- higher professionals- Angolans were not allowed to work in Angola or to go overseas for study and leadership preparation. To make up for the lack of upper level Angolans, missionaries trained each profession over their level; e.g. paramedics to do some of the simpler surgeries and other operations a doctor would do even though they did not have the rank. It was the same in education and technical departments.

-maintaining law and order including complicated civil and land and legal systems. - A meager police force and army. PIDE and informers system- much feared by Angolans- even Protestant missionaries - who figured out how to get around some of them.

2. Missionaries; Mission Committees and North American church boards.

a) Missionaries had vision of Angolans as free citizens ,potential children of God if converted. Equal , though in paternalistic and discriminatory ways.

b)Goal to develop, educate and organize them, and some to be leaders and trainers and teachers, business people.

c)-Role: leadership, local regional and national -devolve leadership and power to the church and its extending branches into new villages, and into cities outside Central - wherever Ovimbundu went to find work or trade.

i) Local work for the development of the Christian Protestant community.

- in mission stations (Until 1957) power lay in Mission Committees led by missionaries on each of several stations. They planned and carried out programs, budgets, maintenance, construction,. For these they negotiated with the home churches for staff, grants and budgets.

- ii) regional/provincial national: petition , consult with, request with governors on larger policy issues; trade, property, business, education ,marriage, inheritance, e.g. John Tucker- Lisbon; Luanda , Dondi; later Larry Henderson.

c) protection:

Missionaries were much closer to the people through the church organisation of pastors and elders in their wide spread villages than the government service people. Miss could be called on to interpret, guide and to defend their church members. But even when the government - police or PIDE- were dictatorial or punitive, e.g. demanding forced labour, or being denied services. had to reconcile and keep on good terms with governments, so they could be a buffer and protect their members.

"The colonial domination in Angola was very detrimental. The missionaries were the balm on the injuries that were made by the slave trade and colonialism.IN our anguish the missionaries sided with us; they went to jail for us; they tasted put tears, and we tasted theirs in our sorrows, and they rejoiced with u9s in our happy times. The church had created a larger community in which everyone felt at home and frees to move, more than that even of the extended family." P.528. The torchbearers. Chela

d) Leadership: Enabling potential national and international leaders to study and train overseas, not only church but in all fields. 2 examples out of a long list:

Portuguese opposed Angolans becoming professionals. To study overseas, candidates had to escape over borders unofficially to get to Europe or US or Caribbean to study, then returned to make their contribution in Angola ( Agostinho Neto, Jonas Savimbi). Some remained outside e.g. Jose Chipenda. (see "Construindo Pontes" The Bridge Builder. By Luis Samacumbi).

His wife Eva and 2 children escaped dramatically and separately. (see her story `the Visitor ' )Both studied abroad. Jose made 20 years of contributions to the global church.-WCC Geneva (Program to Combat Racism)1975, which supported the 3 Angolan liberation movements., and antiracism movements all over the world including among the Dene in the Canadian North Jose also headed the World Student Christian fellowship - Africa branch; and General Secretary of the AACC. (All Africa Conference of Churches - 136 Protestant churches) both based in Nairobi. He brought back to Angola global experience and contacts, as General Secretary of the Council of Churches and of IECA. Eva worked with women and children using her skills in artistry, fabrics, and teaching. She is still active in schools she started in Lobito.

2 b). North American churches and Mission Boards/departments. UCBWM, Disciples, UCC, JACC-

International influences

In the early 60's, the United Church of Canada began lobbying the Canadian government to press the Portuguese government re its colonial policies and brutality. Indeed to urge them to lead move their colony toward self-rule/independence for its people, as neighbouring countries were doing, Congo DRC- 1960; Zambia 1964, etc. (Portugal waited another dozen years.)

In Canada, Murray MacInnis former Angolan Missionary founded TCLPAC, Toronto Committee for the Liberation of Portuguese African Colonies- included Mozambique) an NGO for public education and advocacy to break relations with Portugal.. Portugal responded by refusing some visas and especially return entry visas for missionaries. Betty Bridgman stayed 9 years on a tour before going on leave(normal tour was 5 years then.) for fear she wouldn't be allowed back in.

This political action by UCC had mixed support among missionaries and Angolans. Sid Gilchrist- author of the book `Angola Awake' ,was perhaps the first to " blow a whistle." He publicly reported that "slavery still lingers on" and forced labour was very common. Many Umbundu were carried off to work on the plantations in the northern part of the country.

Other missionaries warned their colleagues and the United Church that " you will prejudice all the work we are doing - if they force us to leave."

The Portuguese were furious with the Canadian government who made some clear critique of their colonial policies and practises. They knew that liberation movements were in full flood around west, central east and even south Africa. Independence came first in Ghana - 1957.

The MPLA had won power in 1975 ,with the blessing of the Portuguese , and by 1976 all missionaries had left. The reasons included:

- A)Marxist government policies- anti church- suspicion and intimidation was high; conspicuous and difficult to do normal work; just visiting Angolan church leaders could be incriminating for the leader who might actually be more militant than the missionary. It was sometimes better if the missionary knew nothing , so they could not discuss politics.

- B) MPLA government- bitter foes of the Ovimbundu - UNITA- who were mostly in control of the central region except for Huambo area and garrisons in some other cities .

- In 1977- Dr. George Burgess, returned to Angola and stayed for a year, and then came back. Perhaps he was suspected of giving UNITA medicines /support; or unintentionally prejudicing safety of church leaders by drawing attention to them. The leaders agreed with him that he leave.

- There were no other Canadian missionaries until 1988- Murray and Innes MacInnis were invited to work with the Council of Churches (CAIE) and Larry Ellis an agriculturalist from Alberta by IECA for 3 year terms . Murray, on behalf of CAIE, assisted church delegations from abroad to arrange lodging and travel to the electoral districts where they were to observe the 1992 elections.

3. Church of Christ of Central Angola.

1957- marked the founding of Council of Evangelical Churches of Central Angola. This was greatly celebrated in Angola and in Canada. Seen as great progress in missiological terms. The missionaries were working themselves out of a job, or at least out of some of the power.

. Jesse Chipenda was elected as first Gen Sec. . He gave strong leadership, but the Portuguese were very suspicious of this elevation of the natives. Chipenda was arrested , tortured and died in Sao Nicolau prison in Namibe. His remains were much later transferred to his home in Lobito by his son José.)

- The church became a main functioning Institution in cities towns and especially in villages; functioning better than the colonial government, and even than the up-and-coming liberation movements..

- Pastors and elected leaders were targets of surveillance and suspicion if they got involved in liberation in visible ways. On Sundays most of the people in the pews were sympathetic to UNITA but could not speak about it openly.. Government infiltrated its informers into the church, or bought off a member, even an elder; they monitored Sunday sermons. Made arrests. There was underground support for movements no doubt, but undocumented, and unspoken of in the open, unless one was very sure of the compatibility of the person you were speaking to.

. As a positive influence, the new Church showed any Portuguese who were open, that their assumptions about Angolans as limited humans/savages were not correct, They could be full active church members, leaders and pastors, teachers and nurses.

"The Church was tremendously well organized. The main centres of the Protestant Church were mission stations [there were 8]. Each mission station was in charge of a number of pastorates served a number of deacons' areas; each deacon or deaconess was in charge of a number of villages or communities. The main goal was to serve every member of the church as fully as possible.. The church produced great leaders who took the light of the torch to communities, villages, urban areas and elsewhere." ´Chela p.523-4.

Indeed they could be missionaries themselves . the Francisco's -Julio and Sofia -spent 5 years in Sao Tome as pastor to Angolans held there in forced labour. Julio was a general secretary of the church, at the time of the trek to Jamba (UNITA headquarters), and during much of the time I was visiting the Church as representing their Canadian partner Church in the 80's and 90's.

I found church folks to be very democratic in their meetings and in their decision-making and in their parish work, a tribute to dynamics brought by missionaries.

Church in the Bush in 1976/77- Church leaders left with, or were taken by retreating forces of UNITA guerillas from central Angola to Jamba, in the far south east of Angola, near South African and South West African borders. There UNITA built a headquarters, for there they could be protected by the South African Air Force, and supplied with essential goods.

There the leaders formed up a church that was known popularly as the 'Church in the Bush. It was ecumenical , including a couple of Catholic priests. They felt very isolated; it was too dangerous to exchange messages with fellow Christians and families in the government areas.

In '79 they sent Pastor Ricardo Epalanga the General Secretary, and another pastor to establish an office and congregation in Kinshasa, Zaire (now DRC) for outside contact since they had limited or no contact to the church in Government areas inside Angola. UCC was one contact and supporter and I visited them in Kinshasa twice when visiting partners in Zaire.

We were able to arrange a couple of get-togethers with representatives of the Bush church here in Canada- e.g. in 1979. Jose Chipenda of AACC (All Africa Council of Churches) and UCC organized a meeting at Cedar Glen centre, American delegates came also.

In 1992.- Overseas partners made a trip to Jamba. UCBWM,(Bonganjalo Goba) CAIE (Jose Chipenda, and UCC (Jim Kirkwood). We met in Luanda and flew to Johannesburg, 3 IECA delegates were to go too, but their seats were sold by TAP. They later made their trip. From JBG to Jamba we flew at night in an old transport plane carrying goods to the settlement at Jamba. We were flying only at night- with minimum lights.

We were welcomed extremely warmly by the IECA pastors and leaders who had been there since 1977, 14 years. And had talks with them. - we spent a week there. UNITA hosted us in their all-thatch headquarters, and toured us around the communal villages and fields and institutions run by UNITA to supply their needs.

The people were all living without currency, drawing their food and other necessities from the Party. They were independent to some extent but other supplies came in on regular flights from South Africa.

Meanwhile back in Angola in 1976, hastily chosen new leaders had to pull the church together with shortage of experienced leadership, and learn their positions quickly. Younger pastors had chances they would not normally have had so soon. The Church based in Huambo was very much under surveillance by the MPLA govt. and there were no missionaries to assist.

4. Liberation movements

- 1961- 1975- armed struggle was carried on sporadically or actively in various parts of the country. Competition between them was very much worsened by the influence of the Cold War.

- Arms of all kinds from tanks and planes to land mines and pistols flowed in endlessly from West and East. Angolans died or were crippled by the landmines (some still remain up until today)

-There were

3 regions, North , Luanda , and Central;

3 peoples: Congo, Kimbundu, and Ovimbundu

3 churches Baptist, Methodist, and Congregational

3 Movements-FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA,

"During the war of liberation the Angolans were split into three main parties with 3 different ideologies. The parties were mostly regional and denominational. Most missionaries supported or identified with the party of the people of their own denomination. This prevented the missionaries from being a bridge between the groups in conflict, and the church became divided along party lines as well." Chela p.525

Loyalties were predictable. The loyalty of the missionaries to the church in central Angola was to their people the Ovimbundu, whose loyalty in turn was almost completely to UNITA, under Jonas Savimbi,. He was one of their members, and his father Lote Savimbi had been a church elder and preacher from the early days of the mission

The UNITA school system was the one from the Central Angolan church; all trained and operated by missionaries and Angolan church staff, and operated wherever government forces had not reached. Eventually in Jamba.

Even after all missionaries had left by 1977 the missionaries supported them through a Fund started as a kind of parallel mission fund in addition to the Church mission funds, the Gilchrist Memorial Scholarship Fund, (later AMSF )The fund was joined by American Methodist missionaries and a few Angolans living in N America.. Scholarship receivers were chosen by the Congregational churches, later by IECA and CICA .To this day funds are raised from Canadian and USA congregations and groups and individuals , totalling up to $100,000 per year.

Political tensions in North America. As long as the liberation war continued, even after, there was tension among N.American individual supporters, support groups for the movements, and the national offices of the UCC and the UCBWM.

Some of these primarily provided church support as always; others primarily the liberation struggle and their movement; the national churches here had to try to satisfy everyone, as well as their NGO colleagues in Oxfam CUSO, CIDMAA' etc.. With the latter, UCC was involved with national tours of Angolan multi-party tours,, educational programs and materials funded by the Canadian government through Program Angola.

The Program to Combat Racism PCR of the WCC established a pattern of supporting groups regardless of ideology or politics., even violence. In Angola they gave to all 3 movements on the grounds that they were combatting Portuguese racism.)

Many Canadian and USA activist groups and the churches themselves were supporting MPLA even though it was Marxist (to the great anger of the Readers Digest and other conservative media

. UCC national felt pressure from WCC, and several Canadian NGO's. in an Angola coalition. Like them we were supporting liberation groups ANC and SWAPO in South Africa and Namibia respectively, and they had been supported in Angola redoubts by MPLA government.

Even if they were supporting the ANC in South Africa and SWAPO in Namibia. UCC miss were very opposed to MPLA for reasons mentioned above. The UCC staff who had to arrange budgets, and doing advocacy programs within the church opposing South African apartheid., but not necessarily UNITA who had some legitimate claims, even after MPLA became government. Thus, many Canadian and USA activist groups and the churches themselves were supporting MPLA even though it was Marxist (to the great anger of the Readers Digest and other conservative media)

We basically stopped giving funds directly to the movements, and gave to churches and NGO's in their area.

5, Angolan Government,

1975. MPLA won battle for Luanda and became the government.

It declared a Marxist political regime and economy. It had had much support in the liberation war from the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc. It also declared an anti-religious anti-church position .

In 1976- two UCC missionaries got caught in the earliest days of the civil war. Dr. Betty Bridgman and Nurse Edith Radley at Chissamba hospital east of Huambo, were arrested by new MPLA government police, probably not so much for being Christian as for passing meds - and perhaps messages -to UNITA medical staff now with the `people in the bush' These would be people trained by them and so known to them. Indeed the congregational church health service became the UNITA health service to a large extent; similarly the educational and agricultural services.

Betty and Edith were flown to Luanda and spent 3 months in prison there, before being released and allowed to fly home to Canada. There was no trial.

Maria Chela lab director remained in charge in the Chissamba hospital but government soldiers came and declared it now a government hospital. They carried off some of the staff, and many were shot not far away. Very soon after, UNITA soldiers came by night and took away Chela & as many Chissamba hospital staff as remained and equipment and medicines as they could. Chela was given a companion to assist her, and no doubt to see that she headed for Unita territory. She walked two years to get to the new UNITA base camp headquarters in Jamba. in extreme south east corner of Angola

1975 until 2002. - 26yrs of civil war with a brief respite in 1992 for truce and elections. Then the war resumed until Savimbi was captured and killed in 2002. War and government hostility helped to bring Churches together.

Reconciliation: 1992 - peace and elections - euphoria- reconciliations taking place

Church in the Bush returned - to reunite- or re-enter IECA - there were well known names like Musili, Epalanga, Cinco Reis. In Huambo we waited several days for the church in the bush to arrive. Transport cross country was not easy. the reconciliation ceremony was a most meaningful and passionate experience; hugs and tears galore, Jose Chipenda spoke; communion was shared. taken.

People of different parties had started to work on reconciliation, MPLA had the power of incumbency and control of the elections.

The churches Today: 2014

Since the civil war ended in 2002, with the death of Savimbi , the church has fully reunited and grown in size and programs, even into new corners of the country. Some programs are being revived on some of the former church stations; Much work has been done on reviving completely the Lutamo school for teacher training at Dondi, and on the Currie institute a kind of polytechnic. United Church men's groups in drumming circles raised money for that. New educational buildings and programs in Lobito.

Support for IECA and CICA still go out from UCC, Congregational and Disciples Much Smaller grants and only an occasional missionary go from our side. Challenges, and new ideas and reflections come to us from the Angolan church - (see a reflection on `Diakonia' sent for this workshop. by Luis Samacumbi; see how it emphasizes our service to have a major element of systemic change to meet more deeply a community's needs - or a world's.)

We agree and work together for change in systems like `Capital Empire' , , inequality in shares of the world's resources; food security.. destructive mining processes.pollution and climate change. these need be changed to serve all better.

The Angolan government has through its ministry of culture a more positive relationship with the churches; wants them to share in nation building. It has a register of all the established churches and it does not recognize new sects or denominations, thinking perhaps that they might be getting started for political motives. At the same timed it has been aggressive In opposition to the Islamic faith.

The churches fear to make major criticisms of government, for instance its theft of much of the oil revenue. Anti government demonstrations are not allowed It rules partly through fear and violence; it's very dangerous for churches to be prophetic before an oppressive government;. Leads to self-censure in sermons and in church papers. Who knows what changes may be being planned among the people?

"Question., Can we in Canada tell Angolans how to be prophetic?" Are they in any danger from whom they criticize? Are we? Should we be?

Question. What similarities do you see in the church-state relations in Angola and Canada?

Jim Kirkwood

November 2014

Tubman Institute, York U.






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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.