The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

27 Apr 2014

[RwandaLibre] The Guardian @Father Célestin Hakizimana % Catholic pastoral centre of St Paul.

 

Chaplains of the Militia: Guardian Shorts ebook extract

800,000 people died in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. This is an extract
from Chaplains of the Militia - the account of the part played by one
institution with more responsibility than most. The church.

theguardian.com, Tuesday 15 April 2014 06.04 EDT
Chaplains of the Militia Photograph: Adam Jones (CC BY-SA 2.0)/Guardian Shorts

The refugees didn't blame Father Wenceslas for not being able to
protect them. They accused him of failing to try and of openly
collaborating with the killers.

The international tribunal's long indictment of Father Wenceslas says
he is 'individually responsible for the crime of Genocide because he
planned, instigated, committed or otherwise aided and abetted others
in planning, preparation or execution of the crime by virtue of his
position.'

It says he deliberately inflicted on Tutsi civilians 'conditions of
life calculated to bring about their physical destruction' and that he
worked in league with 'government, political and military leaders',
naming Renzaho, Nyirabagenzi and Mukandutiye among them.

The indictment says the priest helped identify Tutsi civilians in the
church 'knowing that they were targeted for killing' and then
attempted to cover up the killings by instructing Tutsi refugees to
hide the bodies from the UN and journalists.

ICTR prosecutors say that after Father Wenceslas fled Rwanda he was
heard justifying 'the handing over of Tutsis to the Interahamwe' and
continued to call the victims inyenzi.

The Tutsis in the St Famille did not have to look very far for an
example of a very different kind of priest. Next door to the church is
the Catholic pastoral centre of St Paul. Its warren of single storey
rooms around a large gardens was also packed with several thousand
refugees, Tutsi and Hutu, at the height of the genocide.

The priest in charge of St Paul was Father Célestin Hakizimana.

'I would stand in front of the Interahamwe. They had dozens of
grenades. All the refugees would be cowering in their rooms, none in
sight. When they used to come I always tried to be on the main gate in
my robes. They would say: "Priest, we know you have inyenzi here. Give
us your list of refugees"'.

Célestin did have a list but he left off the names of those he knew
were most wanted by the Interahamwe. They included men who went on to
prominent positions in the post-genocide government but also an
ordinary driver. 'I didn't register the names of the people I knew
were very much wanted. I made up names.'

Sometimes the militia broke through and dragged off people to murder.
But whereas the survivors of the St Famille have little to say that is
good about Father Wenceslas, those in the St Paul centre praise the
courage of Father Célestin even though he was not able to save
everyone's life.

One day, Célestin was summoned to a meeting with Kigali's mayor and
Interahamwe leaders, including Angéline Mukandutiye. He found
Wenceslas waiting too. Father Célestin said the group berated him for
protecting 'the inyenzi'.

The next day, Interahamwe militiamen forced their way into the St Paul
centre and rounded up about 100 people. Célestin snatched all the cash
he could find and began to buy lives.

Some of the Interahamwe were very drunk. They grew increasingly
agitated that so many Tutsis were slipping through their fingers.
Father Célestin saved 60 people by the time the money ran out.

Devastated, he realised he could no longer stop the Interahamwe. The
militia removed 40 Tutsis, all were murdered. Yet, by the end of the
genocide, the priest had saved hundreds of lives.

Father Célestin said he had his own run ins with Wenceslas. The two
trained together and he felt he could speak frankly as he berated his
fellow priest for calling the Tutsis inyenzi and for identifying to
the militia those who requested to be evacuated to the rebel zone.

Father Célestin said he asked Father Wenceslas: 'What are you doing?
Don't you know these people will be killed if the lorries don't come?
Are you trying to get them killed?'

The other priest walked away.

Father Célestin said that when he strongly criticised Father Wenceslas
for wearing a gun and flak jacket, the priest was sanguine: 'It's OK,
I want to defend myself against your inyenzi friends.'

'I don't know why he did what he did,' Father Célestin told me. 'I
blame him for three things. The language. Calling Tutsis inyenzi when
he spoke to the Interahamwe. I blame him for his friendship with
officials and soldiers. He would drink beer with them in front of the
refugees. And I blame him for putting on a gun and a military uniform.
All of this was a sin against God.'

Father Célestin made another observation about his fellow priest.

'During the war he would curse Tutsis but he would hide some Tutsis.'
Father Wenceslas did indeed save some Tutsis. The other refugees in
the church eyed them with envy and sorrow. They had access to food and
water, and could protect their families as well as themselves. But at
a price.

Survivors said that some women and girls were offered their lives in
return for sex.

Among those who bowed to the pressure was a young woman called Agnes.
I met her a couple of years after the genocide. She described the
priest stopping to talk to her at the back of the church and inviting
her to his rooms. She had been there long enough to interpret the
invitation as a threat.

'I knew where his room was. I went there and waited on the steps.
There were other girls. I asked them what I should do. They said that
if I wanted to live then I had better do what the priest wanted. They
told me what would happen. One of them asked me if I had ever done it
before. I said "no", I was only 16. I asked her how a priest could do
such a thing. They said God has forgotten us.'

Agnes returned to her mother when the priest released her. She sat
weeping on the pew. Her mother said prayers. Father Wenceslas later
gave the teenager and her mother food.

A succession of young women tramped to the priest's quarters. At other
times, when the rebel shelling got too close to the church, he would
take one or two of them and head to a nearby hotel.

Some women said they were able to get their families evacuated by
submitting to Father Wenceslas but those who refused his advances
returned to the mass of refugees with a mark against them.

One of those who viewed the priest's exploitation of the desperate
situation of young women was Rose Rwanga.

'Father Wenceslas would stop and talk to the Tutsi girls. If they went
to his rooms they were eventually evacuated. Those who refused were
not evacuated. It was no secret that he was sleeping with them. You
could see them go to him at night,' she said.

One of those the priest propositioned was Rose's daughter, Hyacinthe.
'She told me what he wanted. She refused.'

The UN launched another rescue mission in mid-June. It passed off much
like the earlier one, with the priest and the Interahamwe taunting
those who left and threatening Tutsis who did not get away.

Hours later, the RPF launched its own rescue mission in the middle of
the night to save the refugees at St Famille and St Paul. The rebel
soldiers helped many of the Tutsis in St Paul to get across the front
line to safety. But the refugees in St Famille, thinking the
Interahamwe was outside, refused to open the heavy wooden doors.

The next day the militia and Father Wenceslas, already furious that
Tutsis had escaped in the UN convoy, raged over the RPF raid.
Survivors said the priest warned that the militia was coming to get
them. Shortly afterwards, the Interahamwe flooded into the church, led
by the schools inspector, Angéline Mukandutiye, who, according to
survivors and the international tribunal indictment, Father Wenceslas
was consulting with ahead of killings.

She climbed onto the tabernacle to get a better view of potential
victims. One of those called forward to die was Jean-Claude Rwabakika,
who arrived at the church after his parents were murdered. The
Interahamwe took him outside and shot him.

'The shooting went on for a long time. They shot us one by one,' he
said. 'The bullet hit me in the neck and I collapsed unconscious to
the ground. The bullet went straight through my flesh and didn't stay
inside me.'

After the militia left, fellow refugees dragged the unconscious
Jean-Claude into the church and bandaged his wound.

The militia also tried to grab Aimable Uwurukundo.

'I saw them calling people one by one. I realised there was nothing
else to do but start running. We went over a large wall next to St
Paul. It was difficult for the killers to follow. They were loaded
down by their guns.'

Another name called was Rose Rwanga's daughter, Hyacinthe.

'My daughter pleaded with Wenceslas Munyeshyaka to hide her. He
refused. I'm sure it's because she refused his propositions. He could
have saved her like he saved other girls.'

'My only daughter was shot dead next to me.'

Father Wenceslas arranged a funeral for the young woman. Rose
describes the service as 'crocodile tears' on his part.

Rose Rwanga accuses Father Wenceslas of a direct hand in her
daughter's death. So does the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda, saying in its indictment of the priest that he 'instigated an
Interahamwe to kill a Tutsi girl named Hyacinthe Rwanga'.

This is an edited extract from Chaplains of the Militia: The tangled
story of the Catholic church during Rwanda's genocide

by Chris McGreal (Guardian Shorts £1.99 / $2.99)

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://www.theguardian.com/news/2014/apr/15/chaplains-of-the-militia-guardian-shorts-ebook-extract&source=s&q=hakizimana+celestin

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Jobs

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.