The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

28 Dec 2012

UK policy manoeuvrings to support the war criminal and dictator Paul Kagame of Rwanda


UK policy manoeuvrings to support the war criminal and dictator Paul Kagame of Rwanda


Notes:
Medium-Term Expenditure Framework : MTEF; Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper: PRSP; Heavily Indebted Poor Countries: HIPC; Sector-Wide Approaches: SWAPs

Department for International Development: DFID

Clare Short was Secretary of DFID in the government of Prime Minister Tony Blair from 3 May 1997 until her resignation from that post on 12 May 2003. She is the architect of the Kagame’s human rights abuses and dictatorship through her unconditional budget support to Rwandan regime.
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Situated towards the east of Central Africa, Rwanda is a small, landlocked country (26338 sq km (10170 sq mi)). With a population of around 10 million people and a population density of more than 787 per square mile (303 per sq. km), it has to look elsewhere than agriculture to sustain itself. It is not mineral-rich, nor is it likely that it will attract sizable foreign investment into its very small manufacturing sector.

Rwandan colonial and post-Independence history has been dominated by ethnic violence, orchestrated by various governments. About 90% of the population may be classified as Hutus while 10% are Tutsis. The extent to which this is a racial or a class divide, with the Tutsis representing the old dominant social groups, may be disputed. It remains that the Hutu/Tutsi divide has been an extremely potent weapon for unscrupulous governments and movements. The divide was utilized to generate the 1994 genocide committed by Hutu militias; a genocide which, in parts of the country, also involved Hutu villagers as perpetrators.

After the genocide a mainly Tutsi government gained power, led by Paul Kagame. Militarily, it pursued the remnants of the extremist army in neighbouring Congo, through direct military intervention in Congo from 1996 onwards. In 2000, peace was well secured within the Rwandan borders, but the conflict in Congo continued, with involvement of both Rwandan troops, and through Rwandan support to proxy movements within Congo.

It was a top priority for the Kagame government to maintain power, in order to avoid a repeat of the genocide. It did pursue important policies of reconciliation, but by year 2000 it was clear within the donor community that the kagame government regarding maintaining power as a non-negotiable 'must'. Even minor oppositional activities were punished harshly, and free elections were not on the agenda. Local elections in 2002 led to reinstatement of leaders already appointed by government, and very few leaders Hutu candidates won. International Crisis Group described the political climate in the country as a 'climate of fear'.

At the same time, Rwanda was well on its way to become a darling of (part of) the international development community. It was heavily dependent of donors, who funded around 65% of its government budget. During the second half of the 1990s, it had followed donor recommendations regarding the rebuilding of its government structures. Practically all ministries housed several donor funded long-term resident consultants. Donor funded projects and SWAPs were commonplace. and the GoR was now ready to embrace the PRSP idea. The government already had a long term policy vision, the 'Vision 2020', and an MTEF was under implementation.

The Ministry of Finance was central to the development of the PRSP. The Minister was a UK educated economist, very familiar with donor thinking and reforms. Of all the Ministers in Rwanda, he had the biggest number of long-term consultants under him – around ten in the Ministry proper, and 10-15 in the Revenue Authority under the Ministry. He worked well with donors, not the least with DFID which was the biggest bilateral donor in Rwanda.

DFID was keen to support what it saw as a discerning and pro-poor government. It had taken over as the major bilateral donor after the genocide, primarily on moral grounds (this was the early days of Claire Short's tenure as minister in the UK), although some other donors saw it as a move to gain influence in a previously francophone country. There were some concern within the UK government regarding Rwanda's role in the war in Congo, with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) much less happy than DFID with the situation. Some DFID advisors were also concerned. Their concern was fuelled by the high number of deaths in Congo during the war years of the late 1990s; by a UN report accusing the Rwandan government from benefiting from exploitation of natural resources in Congo; and the fact that Rwanda's foreign exchange balance benefited dramatically from export of minerals such the high-value mineral Coltan which, it was thought, probably was mined in Congo. However, DFID as an organisation agreed with the GoR that its actions in Congo were necessary self-defence against genocidal forces.

There were also some concern in DFID regarding the harsh treatment of political opponents inside Rwanda, and the very limited press freedom that existed.

In spite of these concerns, DFID had entered into a long-term development collaboration agreement with Rwanda. A MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) between the two governments ensured high level financial support, including budget support, to GoR. The MoU, explicitly, also gave DFID the right to raise policy issues with GoR over and above areas where it provided development assistance. For example, mechanisms were put in place for yearly discussions covering areas such as human rights, political freedoms, press freedom and the war in Congo. It was also not nuncommon for DFID advisors to call on ministers and top level civil servants to discuss political issues, and to point out how certain heavy-handed actions (eg against the tiny privately owned press) would be perceived as negative by the international development community. DFID saw itself as a bridge between the GoR and the development community at large.

The overall DFID assessment was that the Rwandan government was pro-poor; that it fully bought into the neo-liberal development agenda; that it was open towards donors such as DFID; and that it was understandable, if still wrong, that it was not willing to allow a strong opposition to develop.

The PRSP

In year 2000, GoR embarked on the production of a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). This was a requirement in order for Rwanda to reach the next step in the important HIPC process. Donors also thought that the PRSP might seen by GoR as an important reconciliation policy for Hutus and Tutsis (ie, economic development and poverty reduction might reduce tensions at local level).

The production of the PRSP began with the setting up of a PRSP secretariat within the Ministry of Finance (MoF). It was funded by donors (primarily DFID), and headed up by a Rwandan consultant. Together with the Minister of Finance and his close advisors (2-3 international consultants funded by DFID and UNDP), they produced a draft Interim PRSP. This was sent simultaneously to GoR ministers and donors. Donors found the document much too general, unrealistic in economic terms, not based on participative processes, and not sufficiently strong on financial governance issues.

They provided extensive comments. During the next two years, first an Interim PRSP and then a full PRSP was developed by the PRSP secretarial and the MoF. This was done with some input from line ministries, and with even more input from the donors. For DFID staff, it became a major task to provide detailed comments on the structure of the PRSP and the content of its chapters. The World Bank and the UNDP did likewise. At the end, and after a major participatory exercise funded by DFID, a policy document emerged which the donor community judged to be very good. It had avoided becoming a 'shopping list' for the different ministries as it included a prioritisation of the proposed initiatives, a 'costing of the PRSP', and explicit links to the MTEF and thus to the yearly budget.  The PRSP was based on the participatory poverty assessment, and it included ring-fencing of pro-poor budgets in social sectors, and a significant year-on-year increase of these budget lines. The military budget were also capped.

There were also things it did not do. It did not deal with the conflict in Congo. It did not provide spaces for democratic participation in policy making processes – in fact, it concentrated more power in the hands on the MoF, but since this was the most effective ministry, many donors did not find that disturbing. Some did though, especially those donors working mainly at district level. They had hoped for more power to the decentralised levels, something which a strict central level PRSP-MTEF would not allow.

The biggest problem was however that it was not certain that the PRSP would be accepted by the World Bank and the IMF boards. Firstly, the World Bank and the IMF in particular found that the proposed spending level of the PRSP was too high – about 10% too high. There are strict formulas for how large a government budget is acceptable in HIPC countries and it was found that GoR had gone above this. GoR argued that their way of calculating the budget as correct, and that IMF was wrong, but to no avail. Since the GoR PRSP budget also was an expression the political compromise that had been reached internally in the GoR, it could not budge, and it sent the PRSP for World Bank / IMF approval without changing the budget. In fact, this was a high risk strategy. GoR could not afford a rejection of its PRSP. The Minister of Finance and, implicitly, Paul Kagame, had staked their reputation on the PRSP.

Secondly, political enemies of GoR seemed ready to vote against its PRSP at the World Bank / IMF meetings. It was rumoured that a hitherto ' neutral' government might vote with France against the PRSP, and the worry was that if that happened, others within 'like-minded' group of donors might do so as well. Maybe even the US would block it.The war in Congo and human rights in Rwanda were powerful reasons.

DFID made it a priority to counter this. It got its high level representation in Washington involved. DFID's lobbying was successful;. Meetings with the US made clear that the US would not waver. Lobbying with other country representations  in Washington shored up the like-minded group. In the end even the 'neutral' country did not vote against and the PRSDP went through.

DFID and GoR were happy. And the PRSP seemed to work: poverty levels, which in1994 stood at around 70%, had fallen to around 57% by 2005. Donors attribute to the political stability of the country in the last decade; high economic growth in spite the odds, and pro-poor service delivery policies of the government, following HIPC and the PRSP. However, in spite of various political reforms, the 'old' comverns still exist. GoR has retained stringent limits on the freedom of expression of political parties and the media. Confidential UN documents state that Rwanda maintains a 'military structure of control' over parts of DR Congo through the use of proxy Congolese forces, and Rwanda still benefits from the extraction of natural resources in those parts of Congo it indirectly controls.

Within Rwanda, local level economic decision making power has also not increased much, in spite of an official emphasis on decentralization. The economic power is still firmly at central government level, and the PRSP-MTEF is part of what ensures this.

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

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UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.