The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

23 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Fw: *DHR* Washington Post: Is Burundi still a credible peacekeeper?

 

Is Burundi still a credible peacekeeper?



A demonstrator raises her hands in the air as she faces soldiers in the Musaga neighborhood of Bujumbura, Burundi. The unit temporarily withdrew. The army has deployed throughout the town as hundreds return to the streets Monday to protest the president's decision to seek a third term in office. (Jerome Delay/AP)
Is a fresh post-conflict state really the right candidate to receive international military training and support? Burundi is the second largest troop contributing country to the African Union's Mission in Somalia, (AMISOM), which hosts five rotating Burundian battalions, equivalent of more than 5,000 troops on an all-around year basis. It became involved in peace operations allegedly by coincidence, as Ethiopian troops pulled out troops and AMISOM needed a new contributor in 2007. Burundi at the time was not only in the midst of an internal political crisis, but also in a fragile security situation with South African troops on the ground to supervise the ceasefire agreement with the last (Hutu) rebel group FNL. In addition, the freshly minted Burundian army, composed by former government soldiers and rebel forces, was taking part in an extensive security sector reform, largely financed by external partners, including Belgium and France.
From the Burundian side the decision to send parts of its army abroad at this moment may at first appear strange. In our 2015 article "Sending Peacekeepers Abroad, Sharing Power at Home: Burundi in Somalia," we outline several strategic reasons for this decision. First, it reduced the size of the bloated post-conflict army and it produced an opportunity to stop the forced demobilizations of former government forces (FAB –Forces Armées Burundais). This undoubtedly helped to ease tensions in the army. Second, it meant a new financial influx to a defense department, and as it turned out, to a government which was in dire need of an increased budget following the conflict. Third, it introduced excellent training opportunities, financed and organized by external partners who saw a perfect opportunity to restart train-and-equip and capacity-building programs. The U.S.-initiated ACOTA (African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance) stands out as the most important of these. Finally, becoming a troop-contributing country to peace operations enabled Burundi to cast off its old identity of a conflict-doomed state. It could now embrace a new, prestigious identity as a peacekeeper.
Western support of the Burundian troop contribution is equally underpinned by several strategic reasons. The strongest of these is undoubtedly the need to get more manpower involved in the war against terror, which in the case of AMISOM as in many other peace missions, overlaps with a UN/AU mandated peace operation. U.S. financial support to peace operations in Africa amounted to approximately $2.6 billion in 2013(excluding U.S. contributions to the United Nations' regular budget) and a variety of "train and equip" programs to support troop and police contributing countries. Last year, the United States also signed an accord to give the Burundian army an advanced anti-terrorist formation and more importantly, a SOFA (State of Forces Agreement), which basically allows the United States to establish a military base in Burundi with diplomatic status for all its members. For the United States, then, assisting Burundi to become an international peacekeeper appears to be a win-win situation: not only does it support a post-conflict state's recovery by giving training and equipment, it also indirectly helps to both fight terrorism and build peace on the continent.
Traditional partners, such as Belgium and France have also supported Burundi's "make-over" from a post-conflict to a peacekeeper state. In the case of Belgium, this includes providing PSO (peace support operations) courses for high-level staff. France, meanwhile, provides Burundi complete pre-deployment training similar to ACOTA formations. New partners have also joined the efforts to give the Burundian security sector much-needed reforms. These include Germany and the Netherlands, where the latter has become one of its most important partners through its long-term Security Sector Development program. These international capacity-building programs, which to a large extent have been locally accepted and embraced, have managed to construct an ethnically mixed army, which up until last week appeared to be a stabilizing institution in an increasingly authoritarian Burundi. However, the President's bid for a third term has put all of this to the test and the crisis triggers questions about how wise it is to give military support to fresh post-conflict states with authoritarian tendencies?
The Burundian army has stood out as a particularly successful case of post-conflict military integration where the 50/50 ethnic quota guidelines have allowed a balanced mixed of representation up the ranks, unlike neighboring Rwanda, where ethnicities supposedly have disappeared, yet thesenior leadership remains predominantly Tutsis. In comparison to Rwanda, another major troop contributor, the Burundian leadership has appeared more open and democratic, despite recent years'increasing authoritarian tendencies and crackdown on political opponents. That the Burundian military has received extensive external support does not seem that surprising considering this background. It might also be one of the reasons to its stabilizing effect in the country up until now. Yet when this issue is, as Danielle Beswick notes, put in a broader perspective it is "reasonable to question the wisdom and long-term consequences of building and strengthening the military capacity of states with a history of military coups, interventions in neighboring countries, or human rights abuses committed by the very same security forces". The absence of public scrutiny and academic analyses of the decision to engage with particular African militaries remain therefore surprising.
Ironically though, all this international training still appears not to have helped opponents to Nkurunziza's third term in the Burundian army tocomplete a successful coup. His recent move to reshuffle his cabinet and replace the defense minister, a former FAB general, with a civilian Tutsi from his own party shows that he is running out of military confidants. In addition, placing a civilian in charge of the army is a risky move that can evoke protests and new divisions within the army.
On Monday, Nkurunziza played the peacekeeping card in an attempt to diverse attention from his bid for a third term. He then referred to the imminent risk of an attack from al-Shabab in Somalia because of Burundi's troop deployment to the troubled area. The statement has been greeted with skepticism from observers, including a spokesperson from al-Shabab, who judged it to be "dumbfounding."
To play the peacekeeping card has nevertheless been a popular move in the region, as troop-contributing neighbors have done the same when faced with internal and international pressure. Rwanda and Uganda's threat to withdraw peacekeeping troopsas international actors sanctioned their support to the rebel group M23 is the most recent example of this. Yet, despite international and national doubt about the accuracy and the timing of the president's statement, it may be used to legitimize security forces' hard crackdown on demonstrators in the coming weeks. As the president has called in the military to crack down on protesters, new signs ofdivisions within the army are visible; for example, this week, some soldiers have fired into crowds, while others backed away from protesters.
The military faces additional challenges as international pre-deployment instructors have been taking "vacation" since the end of April due to the security situation. This has resulted in a severely delayed troop contribution deployment, which risks to be permanent if donors decide to withdraw military training and support. If one is to look at lessons from the region, withdrawn support in the military area has been short-lived, and in the Rwandan case, has not influenced its (UN/AU) peace operation in Sudan substantially, if at all. Rwanda was at the time of the withdrawal of ACOTA, as the 'best student in the class', able to secure its pre-deployment training with its own forces. There is a big question mark with regards to whether Burundi is able to do this, in case of a presumably temporary withdrawal of international training. Yet, as the Burundian government knows, such a move from international partners will hurt both the peacekeeping mission and the fight against terrorists in Somalia. On Friday, the United States announced that it has suspended peacekeeping training activities for Burundi's army, but took pains to note that the suspension is temporary and that there have been no cuts to funding for the programs.
Burundi's recent experiences raises the question of how smart it is to militarily support increasingly authoritarian post-conflict regimes' peacekeeping endeavors. The answer to that question is complex and contrast-filled, but definitely merits more attention from researchers and practitioners alike in the near future.
Nina Wilén is a post-doctoral research fellow at the University of Antwerp and a visiting researcher at Stellenbosch University. She is also a senior associate at the Security Governance Group. Gérard Birantamije is a researcher at the Department of Quality Insurance at the Lake Tanganyika University. David Ambrosetti is a senior researcher at the French Center for Scientific Research, CNRS, Bordeaux University.


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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.


Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

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UN News Centre - Africa

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The Africa Report - Latest

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IRIN - Great Lakes

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This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.

- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.