The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

16 Feb 2014

ICTR: Canadian lawyer wins legal battle over Rwanda charges

ICTR: Canadian lawyer wins legal battle over Rwanda charges
By Olivia Ward   
Feb 16, 2014
Former Rwandan Gendarmerie General Augustin Ndindiliyimana,
accused of genocide in Rwanda in 1994,
 has been acquitted by a criminal tribunal in Arusha,
Tanzania, in February.
Canadian lawyer Christopher Black has won exoneration
for a Rwandan former paramilitary police chief
who was held for 11 years on charges
the UN court now says are invalid.

When Christopher Black opened his eyes in the Tanzanian hospital, a doctor was standing over him. "Are you a religious man?" he asked, and offered to call a priest.
In 2000, the Toronto criminal lawyer had just begun defending a high-profile suspect at a trial of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, when he collapsed from malaria.
"Friends found me on the floor, and I was wheeled into emergency," Black said in a phone interview last week from Arusha, Tanzania. "The doctor told me, 'we'll try to keep you going until tomorrow, but likely you'll die.' "
It might have ended there. Instead, the near-death experience was only the beginning of a 14-year odyssey through the tangled thickets of the international justice system, including threats on Black's life, assassination of at least one witness, perilous political intrigue and a torrent of personal abuse.
"A lot of things have happened that were very dark and bitter," he says. "In many ways, it's like a movie."
But this past week, two decades after the worst genocide in Africa's recent history, Black's client Augustin Ndindiliyimana, former chief of staff of the Rwandan paramilitary police, was acquitted by the Arusha-based tribunal.
Ndindiliyimana, arrested in Belgium in 2000, was initially convicted of genocide for allegedly allowing his police guard to supply weapons to the Hutu militia that carried out the slaughter of some 800,000 Rwandans, including Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
"This case was so big and complex it covered the whole war," Black said. "They had all sorts of charges against him, individual murders. In the end, they threw them all out. The judge accepted that the charges were politically motivated."
Ndindiliyimana spent 11 years in detention before trial and three years ago was released for time served. One of the most senior officials indicted by the tribunal, he was acquitted on appeal Tuesday along with François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, a former military battalion commander.
To Black, the original conviction was as perplexing as the lengthy delay, which he says resulted from pressure on Ndindiliyimana to testify against another high-ranking suspect. In 2004, he went on strike, along with other defence lawyers, maintaining that the UN tribunal was politically manipulated.
The Ndindilyimana case convinced him that justice was far from blind. The conviction came after Gen. Roméo Dallaire and Human Rights Watch's senior Africa adviser Alison Des Forges, among others, had testified on the 70-year-old general's behalf, saying said that he was not in control of the police and had helped to save the lives of civilians.
But the unpopularity and political explosiveness of the case — seeking to exonerate a man labelled a hated "genocidaire" — put Black's reputation as well as life in danger. And his dogged, more than decade-long defence is typical of a maverick lawyer who has never hesitated to plunge into the turbulent waters of politics.
Defending what others find indefensible is Black's trademark. And his empathy for the underdog began early.
Born in High Wycombe, northwest of London, 64 years ago, he arrived in Hamilton at the age of 9 when his father came in search of work. "My parents were working class. They left school at 11," he said. Nevertheless, the elder Black fought his way up the immigrant ladder and retired as a director of Hamilton's St. Joseph's Hospital.
"I went to law school, and didn't really like it," Black said with a chuckle. "He told me you have two choices: university or the steel mill."
His family's struggle stayed with him, and he joined the left wing of the New Democratic Party. But the bombing of Yugoslavia convinced him to migrate to the Communist Party: "It was the only party that opposed the NATO attack." It was also opposed to Western imperialism, a recurring theme in Black's work.
He opened a one-man law practice in Toronto, sharing digs with two other lawyers and taking on legal aid cases, including murder trials. But he was increasingly drawn to international criminal law, winning a reputation as a high-profile contrarian.
He has argued for the innocence of the Serbian strongman and accused war criminal, Slobodan Milosevic; joined a team of Canadian lawyers laying war crimes charges against NATO leaders for bombing Yugoslavia in the Kosovo war; and attacked former international prosecutor Louise Arbour for halting a politically volatile inquiry into the downing of a plane that killed the Hutu presidents of Rwanda and Burundi in 1994, triggering the Rwandan genocide.
It was the political content of Ndindiliyimana's case that intrigued Black most.
"He asked me to do it as a political case. The genocide talk was so intense that at first I didn't want to get involved. But the UN paid for one trip (to Tanzania) and over three days he told me what had happened. I was hooked."
During years of reviewing thousands of documents and hearing dozens of witnesses, Black formed a different opinion on the Rwanda genocide from the accepted wisdom — that it was a preconceived plan by Hutus to eradicate the powerful Tutsi minority.
He believes the picture was more complex and less one-sided. And that the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front played a deadly role in the extent of the killing. When Black became legal counsel to Rwandan and Congolese groups who called for war crimes charges against Rwanda's President Paul Kagame, a former RPF militia leader, an outpouring of rage and threats followed.
"There was propaganda, death threats and threats from the CIA," he said. "It was like a dogfight. You stopped relying on the law."
Now his battle is over. He is packing up the house in Arusha where he has lived for several years, and preparing to return to Toronto. In some ways it feels like a pyrrhic victory. The past decade has taken a serious toll on his life and health.
The malaria has recurred and he has had debilitating typhus. His salary was a fraction of a Toronto lawyer's pay. Divorced, and with a grown son, he admits his family relationships have suffered. And, he believes, the outlook for rebuilding his criminal law practice is bleak since the 2008 recession.
But, as ever, Black is ready to fight another day. Some international cases are hovering in the wings. And he's begun a book on the Rwandan war that promises more controversy. It's based on the voluminous evidence he has accumulated since 2000.
But he asks, "how do you compress these 14 years into one book?"

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.