The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

10 Dec 2013

Rwanda : Amnesty International

 Covering events from January - December 2003
                 
"Disappearances", arbitrary arrests, unlawful detentions and
                  the ill-treatment of detainees were reported. Eighteen
                  prisoners were sentenced to death for crimes committed during
                  the 1994 genocide; no executions were carried out.
                  Approximately 80,000 individuals remained in detention, nearly
                  all of them suspected of participation in the genocide. Most
                  were held for prolonged periods without charge or trial, in
                  harsh and overcrowded conditions. Trials of genocide suspects
                  continued at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
                  (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania. Grave human rights violations
                  committed in previous years by state security agents remained
                  without thorough or independent investigation. Several people
                  were detained for peaceful opposition activities.

                  Background

                  The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
                  and Rwanda accused each other of not honouring the July 2002
                  bilateral agreement, in which the Rwandese government pledged
                  to withdraw its troops from eastern DRC and the DRC government
                  undertook to disarm and repatriate Rwandese opposition groups.
                  Reports of continued Rwandese involvement in eastern DRC after
                  its forces had officially withdrawn were denied by the
                  government. The Rwandese and Ugandan governments made
                  accusations that the other was harbouring, sponsoring and
                  training armed opposition movements.

                  The end of the government's transition program following the
                  genocide was marked by the adoption of a new Constitution, the
                  fifth since independence in 1960. The draft Constitution
                  contained provisions that could restrict fundamental civil and
                  political rights.

                  Information provided by the government-controlled media on key
                  provisions of the draft Constitution was limited. In May the
                  new Constitution was overwhelmingly endorsed in a referendum.

                  The presidential election was held on 25 August and
                  parliamentary elections between 29 September and 2 October.
                  Incumbent Paul Kagame won the presidential election with 95
                  per cent of the vote, while his Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF)
                  party won 74 per cent in parliamentary elections. Opposition
                  candidates and supporters faced severe intimidation during and
                  after the electoral campaigns. There were consistent reports
                  of voter intimidation before and on polling day by supporters
                  of the governing party.

                  The high proportion of women elected to parliament resulted in
                  part from government legislation and administrative practices
                  aimed at advancing the position and status of women.

                  'Disappearances'

                  A number of "disappearances" were reported, many linked to
                  government actions against the Mouvement Démocratique
                  Républicain (MDR), Democratic Republican Movement. Others who
                  "disappeared" were reportedly victims of criminal activities
                  by members of the Rwandese security forces.


                    Several people reportedly "disappeared" in April, apparently
                    because they were suspected of opposition to the government.
                    They included Dr Leonard Hitimana, an MDR deputy,
                    Lieutenant-Colonel Augustin Cyiza, former President of the
                    Court of Cassation and Vice-President of the Supreme Court,
                    and Eliezer Runyaruka, a university student and cantonal
                    judge in Nyamata. According to witnesses, the vehicles in
                    which the "disappeared" were last seen or which belonged to
                    them were last sighted in a military detention facility or
                    driven and subsequently abandoned by members of the security
                    forces.


                    Charles Muyenzi and Aimable Nkurunziza, former armed forces
                    officers, were forcibly returned from Burundi. They were
                    reportedly handed over to the Rwandese security forces on 9
                    November, and subsequent efforts to locate them met with no
                    response from the authorities. Aimable Nkurunziza had
                    previously received refugee status in Uganda.

                  Suppression of the opposition

                  Opposition party members and leaders were intimidated by
                  repeated interrogations at police stations, unlawful
                  detentions and death threats. A number fled the country.
                  Opposition party organizers were allegedly threatened and
                  bribed to defect to the RPF or to make false accusations
                  against their party's candidate. Many voters were forced or
                  pressured to join the RPF and attend RPF political rallies.
                  Civil society organizations were denounced as "divisionist" or
                  "sectarian". In April a parliamentary commission accused the
                  membership of the MDR and 46 named individuals of fomenting
                  "division". The leading independent human rights organization
                  was accused of financially supporting the MDR.

                  Abuses in the criminal justice system

                  Public confidence in the criminal justice system continued to
                  erode. The police frequently detained suspects unlawfully for
                  long periods without trial. Court decisions were not always
                  respected by Public Prosecutors' Offices, and defendants
                  acquitted by the courts sometimes remained in prison. One
                  third of all arrests and preventive detentions were estimated
                  to be in violation of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Many
                  officials in the criminal justice system did not have the
                  necessary legal training or experience. Draft laws before
                  parliament proposed restructuring the judicial system and
                  simplifying civil and criminal justice procedures to address
                  some of these issues.

                  Genocide trials

                  More than 450 genocide suspects were tried, significantly
                  fewer than in 2002. By the end of 2003 the Specialized
                  Chambers had tried slightly more than 8,000 suspects since
                  they became operational in 1996. In many cases, trials did not
                  meet international standards of fairness. Eighteen defendants
                  were sentenced to death. The sentences were not carried out.

                  The government, in an attempt to address serious prison
                  overcrowding, provisionally released more than 20,000
                  detainees. Most had confessed to participation in the
                  genocide. However, among those who did not benefit from the
                  provisional release were detainees whose case files contained
                  insufficient evidence to warrant their detention.

                  Gacaca
                  The long awaited start of gacaca trials, a communitybased
                  system of justice, did not begin as planned. Community members
                  and elected local magistrates continued pre-trial work in the
                  746 tribunals, which started operating in 2002. They listed
                  victims and suspected perpetrators, and made an inventory of
                  civil damages claims. The remaining 8,258 tribunals were
                  planned to be operational in 2004.

                  The tribunals were plagued by inaction by magistrates and
                  community members, the unwillingness of communities to provide
                  information and public dissatisfaction that human rights
                  abuses by members of the former armed opposition group, the
                  RPF, were excluded from their consideration. After the fall of
                  the government in 1994 the RPF's political wing became the
                  ruling party and its armed wing became the armed forces, known
                  as the Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) until renamed the
                  Rwandese Defence Forces (RDF) in June 2002.

                  International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda

                  Trials of leading genocide suspects continued at the ICTR,
                  which held 56 detainees at the end of 2003. Five trials
                  involving 20 defendants continued, three of which began in
                  2003. The trials of seven former government ministers began in
                  November. Judgments were given in five trials involving eight
                  suspects. By the end of the year, the ICTR had delivered 17
                  judgments since its first indictments in 1995.

                  Two suspects were arrested in the DRC and Uganda, and
                  transferred to the ICTR for trial. Another 16 individuals were
                  indicted by the ICTR but not apprehended. The US Congress
                  renewed its Rewards for Justice Program to assist in the
                  capture of those indicted.

                  The ICTR had accused the Rwandese government of frustrating
                  investigations of war crimes allegations against former RPA
                  members. In August, human rights groups pressed the UN
                  Security Council to ensure the independence and impartiality
                  of the Court, despite pressure by Rwanda and other states not
                  to prosecute RPA members for crimes against humanity that had
                  led the court to suspend investigations against former RPA
                  members in September 2002.

                  International justice
                  Other states continued to bring to trial or deport genocide
                  suspects under their national jurisdiction. Despite the
                  Belgian parliament's repeal of its legislation conferring
                  universal jurisdiction on Belgian courts, a number of genocide
                  cases that had already begun were pending before the courts.


                    In September the Canadian Federal Court of Appeal ruled in
                    the case of Léon Mugesera, accused in Canada of crimes
                    against humanity for making a speech inciting violence and
                    ethnic hatred in Rwanda in 1992. The Court found that the
                    speech did not constitute an explicit incitement to genocide
                    or a crime against humanity, and that he could remain in
                    Canada.

                  Freedom of expression

                  Members of the press and civil society continued to face
                  intimidation and harassment for criticizing the government or
                  armed forces. A number of journalists and human rights
                  activists were interrogated by the police, detained and driven
                  into exile. Others had to exercise self-censorship in relation
                  to certain subjects to avoid politically motivated repression
                  by the security forces.


                    Police arrested five journalists and the driver of the
                    privately owned newspaper Umuseso on 19 November, and
                    confiscated one edition of the paper. The journalists were
                    interrogated and two of them reportedly beaten, allegedly
                    because of an article that questioned the demobilization of
                    certain senior military officers. They were released without
                    charge after two days.

                  Refugees

                  The government continued to express its intention for all
                  Rwandese refugees – estimated at 85,000 – to return to Rwanda.
                  Tripartite agreements were signed between Rwanda, the UN High
                  Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and host countries: the
                  Republic of the Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Uganda,
                  Zambia and Zimbabwe. Many returning refugees expressed concern
                  about their security and the economic situation in Rwanda. In
                  Uganda, only 200 out of 14,000 Rwandese refugees registered
                  for voluntary repatriation, despite attempts by the Rwandese
                  government and UNHCR to persuade them that it was safe to
                  return.

                  AI country visits

                  AI delegates visited Rwanda in January, March, July and
                  August. In October AI's Secretary General travelled to the
                  DRC, Rwanda and Uganda to meet senior government and UN
                  officials, survivors of human rights abuses, Congolese human
                  rights activists and international humanitarian agencies.




                      

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.