The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

4 Apr 2013

East African Opposition, Really? | by Andre Vltchek


east-african-oppositionIn the three Western outposts of the eastern part of Africa – Uganda, Rwanda and Kenya – the opposition had either been totally smashed or is rotting in jail. Alternatively, it has 'ceased to exist'.
In East Africa, those who are in power and those who want to be never challenge the supreme wisdom of market-fundamentalism.
There is no ideology here. Elections are fights between gladiators (Kenya) or of one gladiator against unarmed infants (Rwanda).
Corrupt politician A or corrupt politician B (both campaigning along ethnic lines and on behalf of their mercantile interests) 'compete' over who will be the one to dip his snout into a generous portion of caviar-seasoned feed at the end of the 'democratic electoral process'.
It is a well known fact that in Kenya, for instance, victorious politicians do not scream: 'Socialism or death!' or 'Let's liberate our people from misery!' They would not even dream of shouting something like 'Down with neo-colonialism; and down with the foreign bases that are scarring our soil!' The accepted phrase here is poignantly modest: 'It's our time to eat!'
In the recent Kenyan elections, not one single Presidential candidate dared to raise the essential issues that would most certainly cause the wrath of Western powers: comparing the virtues of capitalism versus the virtues of socialism in a poor country like Kenya, or unveiling the work of neo-colonialism on African soil; or, more concretely, opposing the RAF base in Kenya and the introduction of drones. Nor did they, candidates, protest against the US, British and Israeli intelligence agencies that are allegedly kidnapping, even disappearing, Muslim people – mainly fishermen – off the Swahili coast; nor did they promise to stop the senseless invasion of Kenyan troops to Somalia, something that had been fully orchestrated in Washington and London and dutifully implemented by Nairobi political and military lackeys.
"Kenya is a hostage to foreign interests", I was told, in Kisumu, by one of the MP candidates, Edris Omondi, just a few days before the elections in March 2013. "We are suffering from a full-blown case of neo-colonialism here, in Kenya. If you want to know what Kenya is doing in Somalia, you have to first ask: 'what are the interest of the West in this part of the world?'"
Such 'revolutionary talk', however, would never reach the Kenyan electorate through their television sets and mass-circulated periodicals.
In Rwanda, where the fascist regime is co-responsible for the loss of 6 to 10 million human lives in DR Congo, there is, at least, no charade about democracy. Sugary and sentimental serenades sung to Rwanda, to RPF and to President Kagame by 'world leaders' like Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Bill Gates as well as by various high-ranking officials at the World Bank, are perfectly composed and orchestrated by leading apparatchiks and chief ideologists of the Western Regime. Everyone is so dreadfully sorry for 'doing nothing to stop 1994 genocide', but the incomparably worse and still ongoing genocide performed by Kagame, RPF and his militias in neighboring DR Congo is hardly ever mentioned by the establishment media.
The most prominent opposition leader in Rwanda, Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, is in prison, locked away for 8 years after being accused of 'terrorism '. Her head is shaved and she wears the pink uniform of political prisoners; her main sin her wondering aloud: 'why are there only Tutsis who are commemorated at Kigali Genocide Memorial, if even Paul Kagame admits that both Tutsis and Hutu were killed in those infamous 100 days, in 1994?' But her arch sin is that she dared to return to her country after 16 years in exile to compete against one of the most notorious mass murderers ever born on the African continent.
Ms. Victoire Ingabire could still be, in relative terms at least, considered 'lucky'. Lucky because many other Rwandan opposition leaders and figures have already been murdered in cold blood, or at least forced into exile. The list includes several elite members of Kagame's RPF, those who dared to cross their supreme leader. It also contains the names of numerous journalists, and even one famous hotelier – Paul Rusesabagina – who was credited with saving hundreds of Tutsi lives during the 1994 massacres. His actions depicted in the movie "Hotel Rwanda", became part of the unchallengeable Western interpretation of historic events. But now Mr. Rusesabagina, like so many others, lives in exile in Belgium.
Political prisoner Victoire Ingabire never became a sweetheart of the West, like, for instance, the Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. It is maybe because Burma is not plundering an enormous country rich with natural resources, like Rwanda is plundering DR Congo on behalf of Western companies and governments.
Rwandese opposition is expected to shut up and wait for a few more years at least. The bootie is obviously not yet satisfactory, and the 6-10 million human lives lost in the Congo is still somehow tolerable for the politicians and the captains of economy in Washington, London, Brussels and elsewhere.
Brutal reality is that most African countries are not in a position to decide anything. Their opposition leaders win when they are told to take power, when they are allowed to win by their foreign handlers. It is back to colonialism, minus those great African heroes of the past like Patrice Lumumba and Julius Nyerere.
When the West gets tired of Kagame it will simply depose him, or let him fall. And a new crony, some new gangster ready to serve the West, will get 'elected' through the 'democratic process', to a background of loud fanfare celebrating 'multi-party' democracy and the 'African renaissance'.
Heat wave or drizzle, almost every day – twice a day – on the road connecting Entebbe and Kampala, the sirens begin squeaking loudly and the convoy of armored and armed vehicles moves at neck-breaking speed, pushing all civilian traffic to the shoulder, even if 'needed', to the ditch.
There goes the flamboyant Mr. Yoweri Museveni, the President of Uganda, and a strongman who has held the reigns of power since 1986. He wears a cowboy hat, even though he rides inside a cool vehicle – to his office in the capital city or when returning home in the evenings.
It is quite an impressive sight to see that luxury, bulletproof Mercedes and the SUVs of Museveni's heavily fortified guards all flying past the decrepit and miserable huts and the destitute individuals who live in them along the main road of this conflict-torn nation, one of the poorest on earth.
Uganda is a mess. Brutal civil war is raging in the north of the country. There, according to countless reports, HIV-positive military men are ordered, periodically, to rape rebellious soldiers and insurgents. Mr. Museveni hates gays, and he occasionally threatens them with capital punishment just for being what they are. But homosexual rape is clearly something he approves of, something he even commands.
He can get away with virtually anything. A loyal mercenary of the West in the region, Uganda is deeply involved in Somalia, Sudan and above all, in DR Congo.
The 'involvement' of Rwanda and Uganda in DR Congo is, of course, well documented, in the 2010 'UN Mapping Report" and in the conclusions of other investigations. But that is not preventing the West using Ugandan troops as 'peacekeepers' all over Africa, particularly where their interests lie.
After the UN "Mapping Report" went to print, Mr. Museveni allegedly got very angry, which was enough to force the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to fly to Kampala to shamefully beg the dictator not to abandon UN peacekeeping missions!
"Both Rwanda and Uganda are plundering DR Congo, killing millions. Museveni admitted it, Kagame never did. But both regimes are dictatorial, with close links to the West. And the Western public is unaware of what is happening," explained Nii Akuetteh, Ghanaian political analyst during our meeting in Washington.
Paul Kagame was educated and groomed in Kampala and, according to former US Ambassador to Rwanda, Robert Flatten, he was even armed by the West in this city. Before the 1994 shooting down of the Falcon jet that had the Rwandan and Burundian Presidents on board, and the consequent genocide, Kagame was allowed and encouraged to train his brutal RPF forces on the territory of Uganda. For a long time he functioned as the head of Ugandan military intelligence, overseeing interrogations, cruel torture and even the murder of countless Ugandan political prisoners. I personally interviewed one victim in Kampala who testified about how he was tortured on Paul Kagame's orders.
Knowing the facts, it does not come as a surprise that the plundering and ravishing of DR Congo is not openly on the agenda of the Ugandan opposition. Demanding that the pillage stops could easily lead to straining ties with North America and Europe.
Of course, there are other, 'domestic' calamities. There are child beggars at almost every corner in the center of Kampala, some as young as 3 years old. There are adult homeless people, even women, living on the pavement, with empty, resigned looks in their eyes.
As I drive through the capital, there are signs of discontent everywhere.
"The social situation in Uganda is terrible and continuously deteriorating", explains Mr. Kaliija James Kats, Program Manager of YLF Uganda. "People are at the edge."
It is true. And the leaders of the Ugandan regime are brutes, incomparably worse than those who governed the country during the infamous reign of Idi Amin Dada.
With cruel inter-tribal onslaughts, the old historic buildings of Buganda Kingdom going up in flames in 2010, political violence, aggressive foreign policy and appalling misery in both urban and rural areas, Uganda is hardly a place that one imagines would be supported by any sane government or influential individual abroad.
But it is supported whole-heartedly and has been for many years and decades, by several Western powers that use it as a trusted ally in their deadly geo-political games.
On top of that, this ally, occupying in such an important position in such a mineral-rich part of the world, has to be well 'secured.'
"The opposition, the civil society, the government – everybody is getting money from the West", Doreen Nyanjura, a young Ugandan writer and activist and member of the opposition, tells me.
"Does it mean that whoever wins will be obliged to go to Washington and London for guidance?" I ask.
"This is a very poor country..." she replies.
To give the credit where it is due, unlike in Rwanda, there actually is, at least, some opposition in Uganda.
Its members periodically protest; they write books and articles, arrange demonstrations, and even end up in prisons.
But they are also very careful not to alienate the West. There is very little talk about alternative political and economic systems. There is no naming names and, like in Kenya, no public exposure of neo-colonialist and imperialist designs of foreign rulers.
"You write so often against the West; against imperialism", my Kenyan friends from the Left periodically tell me. "You stand by Venezuela, Cuba, China and Vietnam against Western ideological and real attacks. What kind of funding do you get from them"?
I say I get nothing. They don't believe me. They insist. Why would I work, why would I choose to stand in opposition to the Western regime, if the people I defended did not pay me a regular salary, or at least some substantial 'bob'.
In East Africa, being in opposition is often a job; sometimes lucrative, sometimes not too profitable, but always a job.
I mumble something about internationalism, about humanism, about duty. My friends listen, politely. After some time, they lose patience with me: "But who pays for your work?"
I tell them that I keep recycling almost everything that I earn from my films, books, articles, talks and my other work... I recycle it into more work. I don't save; I don't invest... I tell them that I almost never ask for funding; that I am scared of funding. They lose interest almost instantaneously. From there, our discussion often moves from revolution to the weather.
"We have to convince Venezuela and China to pay; to support us", I recently heard in Kenya from another candidate who aspired to a Parliamentary post. "They don't pay you anything?"
"Well, when they print my articles or show my films... or when I speak at their universities..."
He hit the table with his fist, outraged: "They have to pay. If they don't, nothing would change here!"
Before we parted, Doreen suggested: "Come to the high security prison with us, tomorrow. The leader of the opposition is there, his personal secretary is there, even the driver who was at the scene, during the arrest."
I agreed. We set up the time for the next day.
The night before our visit to prison, I met one of the ideologues of the opposition party, a bitter, aging man who did not consider China or Vietnam to be true 'socialist countries', who did not considered Latin American revolutions to be 'revolutionary enough'.
"I will tell you something", he insisted, although I was trying to get away from him. "I don't think that Bolivia or Venezuela are socialist countries. Actually, I don't think that even Cuba is socialist."
"You are pissed off about the Mao pants?" I suggested.
"What?" He did not understand.
"They don't wear blue Mao pants in China or in Latin America", I suggested. "And they travel freely all over the world if they can afford it. And, in most of these countries people want to be equally rich, not equally poor... And..."
The evening did not end well. I told him that not all socialist movements have to resemble the Western conception, that there are variations, like the Latin American interpretation of socialism, like the Chinese interpretation, like my own interpretation, like millions of other interpretations. And I suggested that he and Uganda start thinking about their own socialist concept, instead of digging into some fundamentalist, dusty, Western version from centuries ago.
The morning did not begin well either. Doreen could not get the car. My car was in Kenya. I offered my hired taxi.
She came with two young leaders of the opposition. We stopped at the market, to buy vegetables and meat for the prisoners, and then we drove towards the Luzira jail.
In case my readers have never visited any of the high-security prisons in Africa, here is a valuable piece of information about how to enter: 'Drive to the gate, get checked, get searched, get your car turned up-side-down, then leave your cameras and mobile phones at the guard's room. Leave all your money behind, even coins, and of course all sharp objects. Fill in some blanks, questionnaires. Present the ID, explain who you are, whom are you visiting, why are you here. Get checked again – metal detector, patting. It is a bit like take domestic flight in India, but even worse.
There is a short interview... And then your request gets rejected at the end...
I had one official East African ID on me, and in the end they let us all in, together with the defense lawyers.
* * *
The leader of Ugandan opposition – Dr. Besigye Kizza – was released one day earlier.
"He wanted to stay, with the others, but they literally pushed him out, made him leave the jail," explains Doreen. "If he would stay here, there would be a riot."
We go through several more layers of security and end up in a small room staffed with high-ranking jailers – 'officers' – watching our every move. There is also some European official there, almost licking the boots of the prison guards, smiling at them, cracking primitive jokes, flattering everybody around. He is an appalling type, a typical Euro bureaucrat; a collaborator, an individual one sees in all Western colonies like Cambodia, Indonesia, Thailand, Rwanda, or Djibouti. I always wonder where do they manufacture them?
They bring the prisoners: Sam Mugumya, Political assistant to Dr. Besigye Kizzi, and the driver who was transporting opposition during the arrest.
Sam is a socialist; that much I know. He is also a writer; he wrote a passionate book called "Road to The Revolution".
The driver is crying. He has obviously nothing to do with all this; he is just a minivan chauffeur, but the police grabbed him, brought him to the station, beat him up, took two of his mobile phones and all the money he collected from fares for entire day – over US$100.
"They are beating me up all the time!" he keeps sobbing. "During the police raid against the opposition, a police SUV smashed into the back of my van. And now they want me to compensate for the loss. I have nothing. They ruined my life..."
Sam is clearly one of the highest leaders of the opposition. He knows about me, and about me coming to see him.
The next day I am leaving Uganda and in one week I will travel back to Asia. There is no time to lose. We have plenty to say to each other.
Sam goes through the necessary routine, the testimony he is obviously not enjoying: "Prison is crowded, overcrowded. They treat us terribly. The driver is beaten every day. Those who are leading the investigations are actually criminals..."
At some point he stops. He suddenly grabs my hand.
"Chavez", he sighs. "How is Venezuela?"
"Coping", I reply. "It is not easy, but coping... There is an investigation..."
"I know," he says.
"I will go there soon."
"We will talk before you go..." Then he looks straight at me: "Before I die, I want to go to South America."
I nod. I don't want to tell him "You will not die anytime soon." This is Uganda. He fights. He is one of those very few people in eastern Africa who is fighting. I say nothing. I squeeze his hand briefly, and let go.
"Sam", I say. "Those millions in Congo... Is that on the agenda? On your agenda..."
"Of course we are aware that Museveni is playing a subservient role to the West", Sam speaks very fast, afraid to be interrupted by the guards. I take notes. He stops once in a while, to catch breath.
"Talk", I tell him. "Please".
"For the West, Museveni has been a very effective 'buffer' against Sudan. He was, of course, very useful for US interests in DR Congo. US give us – to Uganda – money and we give them bodies that they want us to shoot. We are like a mercenary force – the whole country. The West talks human rights, and then it throws money at us. We take money and we kill. The West is two-faced; it cares absolutely nothing about human rights. It only cares about its own interests."
"Are you going to change things?" I ask. "If your party comes to power... If Kizza wins, somehow... if they let him win... You know what I am saying, right?"
"Sure. I know perfectly what you mean... We have to be... we also have to be tactical. We just cannot directly confront the West... You see, Venezuela... There are different dynamics. In South America, there is great unity now, and people understand... they want independence. This is what is lacking here. And our social organizations – they are not where we want them to be, yet. Like this, we are not yet ready to go to the direct opposition."
I realize he is not talking about his party here in Uganda, now; he is talking about the opposition that could be finally real, similar to which took power all over South America.
"We have to raise consciousness about the revolution", he whispers. "Revolution is inevitable, desirable... We are studying how to make it happen."
Soon we have to part. We embrace. They lead Sam away and I have to present my notes to the censor.
The censor is looking at the pages of my notebook. It is clear he understands nothing. There are no names and no numbers. There is only some theory, absolute worthless shit as far as he is concerned.
"All clear", he gives me my notebook back. "You can go now."
After leaving prison we witness a small riot at a fuel stop. One more riot, in a single day.
Some people joined us. Now I have half of the Ugandan opposition leaders sitting in my car, or at least that's how it appears. All of them are squeezed; all cursing Museveni.
I think about Egypt and about Indonesia; countries that each succeeded in forcing one man to step down, but where the regimes survived, regrouped, and became even more resistant to real change, to the revolution. Like roaches and rats, they have been digging holes and trenches, preparing to survive anything, even nuclear holocaust.
"Do you get some support from the West?" I ask one of MP candidates.
"Not necessarily support", he replies. "But we are given some money."
The road is blocked by several SUV's decorated by colorful flowers and paper lace. There is some loud music and the traffic is moving at a snail's pace.
"Is it a wedding?"
"Oh no", smiles Doreen. "This is a celebration for the former Minister of Health, who is being released from prison."
"Is he also from the opposition?" I ask.
"No. He is corrupt bastard. And it was correct to put him to prison... But people are so fed-up with Museveni that anybody who ends up in prison in Uganda is seen as a hero."
"But the man is a thief, right?" I wonder.
"A thief", yes, everybody in the car confirms.
"And the country is celebrating his release..." I say.
They all nod.
When everybody disembarks in front of Parliament, my driver takes me to the hotel.
We have a long history together. He drove me to several border regions with DR Congo, to dreadful refugee camps, to war zones. He helped me a lot when I was filming for my major documentary "Rwanda Gambit".
He does not speak much, he never does. But he is my friend; an old man who saw, it appears, all there is really to see.
"You have just listened to several opposition leaders." I smile. "Do you feel better about the future of Uganda?"
I know he hates the President. And I am surprised when he slows down and says, calmly:
"I heard all those things they were saying, before. But I did not hear what will really happen to my country when the old bastard steps down!"
Andre Vltchek is a novelist, filmmaker and investigative journalist. He covered wars and conflicts in dozens of countries. His book on Western imperialism in the South Pacific – Oceania – is published by Expathos. His provocative book about post-Suharto Indonesia and market-fundamentalist model is called "Indonesia – The Archipelago of Fear" (Pluto). He just completed 130 minutes documentary film "Rwanda Gambit" about Rwandan history and the plunder of DR Congo. After living for many years in Latin America and Oceania, Vltchek presently resides and works in East Asia and Africa. He can be reached through his website.

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.