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17 Feb 2013

Rwanda: Kagame chooses team to plan ‘transition formula’ ahead of 2017


President Paul Kagame during a visit to Ruhango village. He has appointed a three-member taskforce to come up with a formula that would deliver

President Paul Kagame during a visit to Ruhango village. He has appointed a three-member taskforce to come up with a formula that would deliver "change, continuity and stability" after 2017. Photo/Cyril Ndegeya  Nation Media Group

By EMMANUEL RUTAYISIRE Special Correspondent

Posted  Saturday, February 16  2013 at  18:08

IN SUMMARY

  • The president tasked Tito Rutaremara, Joseph Karemera and Antoine Mugesera to come up with a formula that would deliver "change, continuity and stability" after 2017, when his constitutional term as president expires.
  • Going by the timeline of events and views of party officials, a third term for Kagame is very much likely, observers say.
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President Paul Kagame has launched a process that could finally end the debate on a third term for him, by tasking three senior members of his Rwandan Patriotic Front to come up with a "transition formula."

The president used the platform of the party's national executive committee (NEC) on February 8 to task Tito Rutaremara, Joseph Karemera and Antoine Mugesera to come up with a formula that would deliver "change, continuity and stability" after 2017, when his constitutional term as president expires.

A senior RPF member, who spoke on condition of anonymity said President Kagame informed them that he was in a "dilemma" over the third term question.

Mr Rutaremara would not discuss if the options included proposing a third term for President Kagame, simply stating: "Those saying Kagame should go just because his term is finished are being lazy. We are responsible people we have to study everything. We must get a formula that shall give us maximum of change, continuity and stability."

Journalists invited

At the meeting, the source said, Kagame briefly talked about the Congo issue, which has damaged relations between his government and development partners, and dedicated the better part of the discussion to the third term question.

Mr Rutaremara said, "The president has said he is not interested in the third term… but he also does not want to look like he is running away from responsibility — and by the way, he is not the one to decide."

Traditionally, RPF's NEC meetings are held very much in secret, and observers say the fact that selected journalists were invited along with party members who are now willing to share what transpired, means something bigger.

Opinion is divided among political commentators and observers in Kigali.

Some say if these discussions were primarily meant to trigger an internal search for Kagame's successor, they depict a party that has matured politically.

Some observers say that by opening up the debate, President Kagame may be testing the waters to ascertain the feasibility of his presidential ambitions beyond 2017, if indeed he harbours any.

"If he has thrown open the debate so his departure is discussed well in time and a search instituted for a suitable candidate to lead the change, it will be good for him and for internal democracy of the party," said Dr Christopher Kayumba, a lecturer at the National University of Rwanda's School of Journalism.

However, Mr Rutaremara said that looking at removal of term limits was insufficient because the "formula" may lie in having internal changes within RPF.

Although he did not divulge the likely changes, observers point to some scenarios:
The party could change the way its leaders are selected, retaining Kagame as its chairman and thus ensuring he remains powerful and influential even when he is not president.

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That way, observers say, if the country elects a new president (from RPF) the party will have delivered change at the presidential level and maintained continuity at the party level.

Thus, a new person running the presidency and Kagame remaining an influential figure in the management of RPF affairs would act as a stabilising factor.

This would require RPF to reorganise itself along lines of the likes of South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) or the Communist Party of China, where the party has powers to recall the president.

Such structures would necessitate constitutional amendments because the president would no longer be voted in through universal suffrage but selected by the winning party.

In private, quite a number of senior RPF officials prefer this approach.

Yet, sources say, during the February 8 meeting, the junior party members present were in favour of the removal of term limits while others talked of a "Putin style" scenario.

Going by the timeline of events and views of party officials, a third term for Kagame is very much likely, observers say.

"If the Constitution is clear on what must happen in 2017, why should he be bothered? Why the debate?" Dr Kayumba asked; indeed, this is a question that bothers many in Kigali.

Frank Habineza, the president of the yet to be registered PS Imberakuri political party, said his party will not accept the lifting of term limits and threatened to sue whoever tampers with the Constitution.

"We find this debate uncalled for; it looks like some people within RPF are laying the grounds for a possible lifting of term limits. RPF, like any other political party, wishes to stay in power for several decades, but there is a better way of achieving that than changing the Constitution. They should accept competition and an open democratic space. They already lack democratic credentials, and if they push for the lifting of term limits, then they will lose any remaining trust among Rwandans and friends of Rwanda," the opposition politician said.

In 2010, when Minister of Internal Security Sheikh Musa Fazil Harerimana called for the lifting of term limits to allow Kagame to run for a third term, the president dismissed the minister's statements.

However, a few week ago, Kagame told journalists at a press conference in Kigali that it was not yet the right time to discuss the possibility of a third term in office, preferring to postpone such talk "until that time comes."

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SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

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Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

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