The dictator Kagame at UN

The dictator Kagame at UN
Dictators like Kagame who have changed their national constitutions to remain indefinitely on power should not be involved in UN high level and global activities including chairing UN meetings

Why has the UN ignored its own report about the massacres of Hutu refugees in DRC ?

The UN has ignored its own reports, NGOs and media reports about the massacres of hundreds of thousands of Hutu in DRC Congo (estimated to be more than 400,000) by Kagame when he attacked Hutu refugee camps in Eastern DRC in 1996. This barbaric killings and human rights violations were perpetrated by Kagame’s RPF with the approval of UK and USA and with sympathetic understanding and knowledge of UNHCR and international NGOs which were operating in the refugees camps. According to the UN, NGO and media reports between 1993 and 2003 women and girls were raped. Men slaughtered. Refugees killed with machetes and sticks. The attacks of refugees also prevented humanitarian organisations to help many other refugees and were forced to die from cholera and other diseases. Other refugees who tried to return to Rwanda where killed on their way by RFI and did not reach their homes. No media, no UNHCR, no NGO were there to witness these massacres. When Kagame plans to kill, he makes sure no NGO and no media are prevent. Kagame always kills at night.

25 Apr 2009

ICC & Democratic Republic of Congo

30 Jan 2009
Dear all,

Please find below excerpts from news articles regarding recent developments related to the International Criminal Court's investigations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Excerpted articles include those on the proceedings in the Court’s first trial of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo (I); Amnesty International press release and Economist article regarding Laurent Nkunda and Bosco Ntaganda (II); links to articles in the francophone press (III).

For more information on this case, see the Coalition’s website at www.iccnow.org or join the blog discussion at www.iccnow.org/blog.

Please take note of the Coalition's policy on situations before the ICC (below), which explicitly states that the CICC will not take a position on potential and current situations before the Court or situations under analysis. The Coalition, however, will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC.

Regards,

CICC Communications
communications@iccnow.org
****

I. LUBANGA TRIAL COVERAGE

“Child soldier withdraws statement. First trial ICC troubled from the start” by Thijs Hettinga (Trouw), 29 January 2009, http://www.trouw.nl/nieuws/wereld/article2016670.ece/Kindsoldaat_trekt_verklaring_in__.html

“The prosecutors against Congolese warlord Lubanga start with a great set-back. Their first witness made an unreliable impression yesterday….This bad start had a bad continuation in the court room yesterday….

To protect the witness, his voice was distorted and he was hidden from the public with a curtain. But Lubanga was able to see him. When prosecutor Fatou Bensouda asked the witness whether he had joined the UPC soldiers, he said: ‘I promised to tell the full truth, this brings me in a difficult position.’ Upon judge Adrian Fulford’s question whether something was prohibiting him from telling the truth, he said: ‘This examination puts me in trouble.’

After a two and a half hour break, the minor completely withdrew his previous story. In the afternoon, he told how he and his friends went to an aid organisation, where they said they could help him. The organisation’s employees had also told him what to say, according to the witness. ‘But now I want to say what really happened.’ When judge Fulford asked him whether his previous statement was true or untrue, he answered: ‘That was not the truth.’

‘We must give the trial time,’ says Lorraine Smith of the International Bar Association, who is attending the trial as an observer. ‘We need to know why the witness is behaving like this. It is a young child who has gone through a lot. And a court room is intimidating. Besides, there is hardly any experience with these types of witnesses.’

Fear of being prosecuted in his own country might also have played a role. The Criminal Court cannot try a child individually. ‘However, Congo could still decide to try him’, according to lawyer Smith.

Meanwhile, the Criminal Court has requested the prosecutors to check whether the witness could be brought to justice in Congo. Today, the prosecutors will be allowed to argue in closed session why they still want to call the witness. They had already stated they had evidence that the boy was indeed a child soldier for Lubanga.

Apart from the witness, there was also confusion yesterday about translations. According to both the prosecutors and the defense, parts of sentences in Swahili had not or not completely been translated into English and French. If the simultaneous translation is indeed not satisfactory, the Criminal Court has a new problem: many witnesses do not speak English or French.”

ii. “International Criminal Court has chaotic start” by Marnix de Bruyne (De Volkskrant), 28 (online)/29 (printed)January 2009, http://www.volkskrant.nl/buitenland/article1139680.ece/Internationaal_Strafhof_kent_rommelig_begin

“…What should have been a spectacular start of a long parade of witnesses to prove that Lubanga had committed the war crime of enlisting child soldiers, turned out to be a preliminary setback for the prosecutors.

The day was marked by several problems and delays. The witness, whose face was only shown to the public by means of distorted video, and whose voice was distorted, could only appear around noon. This was caused by an order of the court’s president, the British judge Adrian Fulford, that he should first be explained his right to leave out self-incriminating answers.

The Criminal Court’s prosecutors could guarantee that they would not prosecute the boy for possible crimes committed as a child soldier, because he is not yet eighteen. But Fulford could not guarantee that the DRC courts would refrain from prosecution.
When the boy finally appeared, he had to give his oath three times, because the interpreters could not hear him. He then told that he had been taken on his way home by ‘men from the UPC’, Lubanga’s political movement, who he recognized by their uniforms and weapons.

When asked whether he had indeed joined the men, he did not answer and referred to his oath, and to an ‘NGO’ who ‘would help him’, and to his wish ‘to tell the truth and not what someone else wants him to say.’ Once again, the curtains were closed before the public gallery, for further explanation to the boy.

After lunch, judge Fulford asked him whether his statement that he was taken after school by Lubanga’s men was ‘true or false’. The boy said: ‘false’. Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda explained that the witness apparently was ‘afraid of the consequences when returning to Congo after testifying.’

Fulford then adjourned the hearing. He said ‘further research’ was needed into the effect of the explanation about incriminating statements which he himself had ordered. Lastly, he heard complaints from the defence and the prosecutor that the translation from Swahili of the witness’ words was incorrect.

‘The witness has not been well prepared. The boy must have panicked because of the extra explanation and all those white men around him’, says Bukeni Tete Waruzi, a Congolese who has worked with former child soldiers and who was in the public gallery. ‘I do think he was a real child soldier. But I cannot rule out the possibility that he was simply drawn by the promised financial compensation.’”

iii. “Testimony of former Congo child soldier halted,” Associated Press, 29 January 2009, http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5jIIQpLKyj3NrhJa50Xg3Wte4yxJwD960S92O0

“…The problems with the witness have cast a shadow over the prosecution case, which will rely largely on evidence from former child soldiers who may encounter similar problems.

‘While I would say it is a less than desirable start to the first trial it is also a very stark reminder of the issues we are dealing with here,’ said Lorraine Smith, who is monitoring proceedings for the International Bar Association.

‘The fact that the prosecution decided to start their case with this child soldier means that there are particular challenges which have come up now.’

Defense lawyers for Lubanga, who has pleaded not guilty to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers in 2002-2003, said the witness should have been allowed to continue his testimony.

‘Postponing the testimony could be interpreted by the witness ... as a form of pressure,’ said Jean-Marie Biju-Duval. ‘We should avoid this for this witness and we should avoid it for future witnesses.’

The case against Lubanga has been plagued by problems. Last year his trial was delayed for more than six months and the court came close to releasing him amid concerns he could not get a fair trial. The judges objected that prosecutors were using evidence obtained under nondisclosure deals, including some that could be beneficial to the defense. The problem was only resolved when the United Nations and other providers of the evidence lifted the confidentiality requirement.”

II. AMNESTY PRESS RELEASE AND ECONOMIST ON NKUNDA AND NTAGANDA

i. “Democratic Republic of Congo: Laurent Nkunda and Bosco Ntaganda must face justice,” Amnesty International press release, 29 January 2009, http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?id=ENGAFR620012009&lang=e

“The arrest of Laurent Nkunda should be followed by swift steps to prosecute him on charges that he committed war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Amnesty International said today. Any trial must be fair and exclude the death penalty. If states fail to do so, then the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction to seek to prosecute him. Since 2004, the ICC Prosecutor has been investigating war crimes and crimes against humanity in the DRC, particularly in the Ituri region, and has sought and obtained arrest warrants.

Laurent Nkunda, former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) armed group, was arrested on 22 January and is detained at an undisclosed location in Rwanda. The Government of Rwanda must immediately clarify on what charges and in what circumstances it is holding Laurent Nkunda, announce what course it intends to pursue to ensure that he is prosecuted in a fair trial where witnesses are effectively protected, and guarantee that his rights are fully respected.

Members of the CNDP and previous armed groups led by Laurent Nkunda have been accused of war crimes and other serious human rights abuses by the UN, national and international human rights organizations, including Amnesty International. These allegations include the recruitment and use of children as soldiers, unlawful killings and systematic rape of women and girls. He is the subject of an international arrest warrant issued by the DRC authorities in September 2005 for war crimes and crimes against humanity as well as insurrection. Despite these multiple accusations, Laurent Nkunda was for many years able to move freely between his base in eastern DRC, Rwanda and Uganda.

Although the possibility exists that Laurent Nkunda may be extradited from Rwanda to the DRC, he is unlikely to receive a fair trial in the DRC. The DRC criminal justice system is characterized by a lack of independence of the judiciary, particularly in its military courts before which Laurent Nkunda would be prosecuted, routine torture and ill-treatment in detention, inhumane prison conditions and prolonged detention without trial. Witnesses and lawyers do not receive adequate protection and are routinely threatened and attacked. The DRC retains the death penalty. The DRC government must address the longstanding failures of its judicial system that prevent the effective prosecution of suspected war criminals before domestic courts.

Laurent Nkunda's sudden downfall contrasts with the rise of Bosco Ntaganda, the new leader of the CNDP and Laurent Nkunda's former Chief-of-Staff, who now appears to enjoy the full confidence of the DRC and Rwandan governments. Bosco Ntaganda is the subject of an International Criminal Court arrest warrant issued under seal in August 2006 and made public on 28 April 2008 for the war crime of recruiting and using children as soldiers in the Ituri region of eastern DRC between July 2002 and December 2003. He also reportedly commanded CNDP fighters who unlawfully killed scores of civilians in Kiwanja, North Kivu province, eastern DRC, on 4/5 November 2008.

The DRC government is under a legal obligation to arrest and surrender anyone named in arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court. However, on 16 January, shortly after he had announced that he had deposed Laurent Nkunda as head of the CNDP, Bosco Ntaganda appeared publicly in Goma alongside the DRC Minister of Interior, Célestin Mbuyu Kabango, and senior DRC army officers to declare an end to the CNDP rebellion and commit his forces to the joint DRC and Rwandan government military operation against the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) armed group. James Kabarehe, the Rwandan army Chief of Staff, attended the same event.

Time and again, justice has been sacrificed to the interests of political and military expediency in the DRC. A number of other
persons suspected of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity now occupy senior positions in the DRC's army and police. Persistent impunity is one the major reasons why war crimes and crimes against humanity continue to be committed on a large scale in the DRC. They will not end until regional governments and the international community demonstrate an unequivocal commitment to bring all those responsible for war crimes or crimes against humanity to justice.”

ii. “An arresting and hopeful surprise” The Economist, 29 January 2009,http://www.economist.com/displayStory.cfm?story_ID=13022113

“…The capture of a Congolese warlord, Laurent Nkunda, surprised almost everyone, not least the preening man himself. As commander of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (known by its French initials, CNDP), he claimed to be protecting fellow Tutsis in eastern Congo from Hutu génocidaires of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and, in consequence, the interests of Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government across the border. Despite causing mayhem in eastern Congo last year, Mr Nkunda plainly had the backing of Rwanda’s president, Paul Kagame. Not any more.

The austere Mr Kagame was increasingly embarrassed by reports, particularly a recent one by a panel of experts under the aegis of the United Nations, who detailed extensive links between Rwanda and the belligerent Mr Nkunda. The revelations were undermining Mr Kagame’s efforts to attract foreign investment to transform his tiny country into “Africa’s Switzerland”. Britain, Rwanda’s most generous backer, gave warning that it would cut its aid if Mr Kagame did not clean up Rwanda’s act in next-door Congo.

The poor condition of the Congolese army and the inability of Congo’s president, Joseph Kabila, to project power into his country’s east gave Mr Kagame the opportunity to strike against his erstwhile ally. The two heads of state agreed to a simple swap. Rwanda would break up the CNDP and hand over Mr Nkunda, with a proviso that the CNDP’s fighters would be integrated into the Congolese army. In return, Congo would let several thousand Rwandan troops cross the border and smash up the Hutus’ FDLR. The UN’s large peacekeeping force in the area, which both countries had lost confidence in, would be told nothing of the operation in advance….

Pessimists say Mr Kabila acted out of desperation. With Congo’s economy in tatters, its government near-bankrupt and his popularity plummeting, the young president needs a victory. If the two neighbours do squash the FDLR and bring a semblance of peace back to the east, Mr Kabila could revive the peacemaking image that a little over two years ago helped him win Congo’s first democratic elections in more than 40 years. But in the short run his decision to invite Rwandan soldiers into Congo has met stiff resistance from enemies and allies alike, who remember that Rwanda has invaded Congo twice in recent memory, both times to terrible effect.

Mr Nkunda’s extradition by Rwanda to Congo could take some heat off Mr Kabila and help him sell a seemingly unholy alliance with Mr Kagame to the sceptical Congolese: a tricky task. But powerful soldiers in Rwanda’s army are apparently loth to hand Mr Nkunda over.

Still, Rwanda has more to gain by co-operating with Congo. Rwanda’s economy grew tidily in 2008, with revenue from tea, coffee and tourism. As a new member of the East African Community, it can earn more by openly handling Congo’s metals, gems and hardwoods than it can by looting them, as in the past. If Mr Nkunda and other alleged war criminals, such as another warlord, Congo’s Thomas Lubanga, whose trial has just begun at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, are sent to prison, hundreds of thousands of displaced Congolese may feel safe enough to start going home. It may even be the beginning of the end of a long, hellish period of impunity in the tragic heart of Africa.”

III. LINKS TO FRANCOPHONE PRESS COVERING LUBANGA, NKUNDA AND NTAGANDA

http://www.afriquejet.com/afrique-centrale/rd-congo/le-proces-thomas-lubanga-retransmis-en-direct-a-la-television-congolaise-2009012620534.html

http://www.monuc.org/news.aspx?newsID=19999

http://www.digitalcongo.net/article/56197

http://www.digitalcongo.net/article/56204

http://www.afriquejet.com/actualites/societe/l'ue-se-felicite-de-l'ouverture-du-proces-de-thomas-lubanga-2009012920771.html

http://www.monuc.org/news.aspx?newsID=20030

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/depeche_afp_20090129T141906Z20090129T131856Z_Proces-Lubanga-a-la-CPI--pression-sur-les-temoins-le-premier-se-retracte.html

http://fr.allafrica.com/stories/200901280131.html

http://www.lalibre.be/actu/monde/article/475712/un-tournant-dans-la-guerre-du-kivu.html

http://www.iwpr.net/?apc_state=henpacr&l=fr&s=f&o=349043


******
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The Coalition will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC and to help coordinate global action to effectively implement the Rome Statute of the ICC. The Coalition will also endeavor to respond to basic queries and to raise awareness about the ICC's trigger mechanisms and procedures, as they develop. The Coalition as a whole, and its secretariat, do not endorse or promote specific investigations or prosecutions or take a position on situations before the ICC. However, individual CICC members may endorse referrals, provide legal and other support on investigations, or develop partnerships with local and other organizations in the course of their efforts.

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-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions.

The Rwanda war of 1990-1994 had multiple dimensions. Among Kagame’s rebels who were fighting against the Rwandan government, there were foreigners, mainly Ugandan fighters who were hired to kill and rape innocent Rwandan people in Rwanda and refugees in DRC.

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

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25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.