UK's proxy wars in Africa: The case of Rwanda and DR Congo.

Understanding Rwandan future instability according to AFRICOM

2011-12-31T13:18:00.005Z

Understanding Rwandan future instability according to AFRICOM

http://therisingcontinent.wordpress.com/2011/07/28/understanding-rwandan-future-instability-according-to-africom/

https://csis.org/files/publication/110623_Cooke_Rwanda_Web.pdf

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Rwanda Now: Country's bright future tainted by tragic past

2011-12-31T13:18:00.004Z

Rwanda Now: Country's bright future tainted by tragic past

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/africa/111218/rwanda-now-countrys-bright-future-tainted-tragic-past

One of Africa's most dynamic countries is also its most haunted. Rwanda is working to overcome the 1994 genocide. Its economy is fast-growing and it has very little corruption. But President Paul Kagame's government is persistently accused of repression. An on-the-ground look at the contrasting facets of this compelling country.

Musicians and dancers perform traditional numbers for Kwita Izina, the annual gorilla naming ceremony. Mountain gorillas are at the center of the Rwandan tourism industry. (Steve Terrill/GlobalPost)

Rwanda Now: Country's bright future tainted by tragic past

President Paul Kagame's impressive achievements marred by repression.

Andrew MeldrumDecember 30, 2011 06:05

KIGALI, Rwanda — Construction cranes bristle across this city's hills, showing where high-rise towers are being built at a pace to match Rwanda's rapid economic growth.

Cars, buses and motorcycle-taxis speed on smooth, divided highways while vendors sell bags of carrots, cabbages and beans. Kigali looks every inch an increasingly prosperous African capital city.

Then a young man walks by with a wedge-shaped gape in his skull. A woman's warm smile cannot hide the searing scar across her face.

This is Rwanda today. Bustling progress, haunted by the country's 1994 genocide in which some 800,000 Tutsis were butchered. About 10 percent of the country's people were killed during the 100 days of massacres. Most were killed by being hacked with machetes and most were of the Tutsi minority.

Rwanda's sparkling advances in economic growth, health and education are impressive. Women have gained in economic and political power, with one of the world's highest rates of representation in legislature, at more than 50 percent. Yet Rwanda's impressive achivements also tainted by its legacy of horror.

President Paul Kagame personifies Rwanda's duality.

Intelligent, diligent and committed, Kagame has led Rwanda from chaos to order and set the country on a path toward security and affluence. Yet Kagame is also autocratic, intolerant of criticism and his government is combative toward the press. A number of government critics have been assassinated, some ot them in exile. Others have been jailed in Rwanda, such as opposition leader Victoire Ingabire who is on trial for allegedly being a genocide revisionist.

Kagame's government denies any involvement in the killings of its critics. And of those jailed, the government says the law is merely following its course.

Kagame's government discourages open discussion of the genocide and of Rwanda's abiding ethnic tensions between the Tutsis, who make up about 15 percent of the population, and the Hutus, who account for 85 percent.

Kagame's government is dominated by Tutsis, a situation that seems to guarantee continued resentment by Hutus. Open discussion of this and any differences between Hutus and Tutsis is discouraged; those who speak about it publicly risk arrest for genocide revisionism.

More from GlobalPost: Rwandan opposition leader blocked by charges

"When you try to discuss relations between Tutsis and Hutus, 17 years after the genocide, you hear the same answer over and over again: 'We are all Rwandans now,'" said a longtime Kigali resident. "It's the only answer people feel safe with. It's amazing how many people stick to the Kagame line. It creates this eerie feeling that we're in a 'Stepford Rwanda' where people only say what is approved — but you know there is plenty lurking beneath."

"Rwanda is a country of dueling narratives. It is a glittering hope or a repressive country run by a dictator," said a diplomat in Kigali. "These opposing views are more stark than in most African countries. … The Kagame government sees economic growth as the key way of protecting its security. But now we are starting to see some political developments. There are nine opposition parties, but will they go anywhere? The big question is whether Kagame will run for a third term in 2017. Or will he retire and let someone else take the helm?"

Kagame was re-elected in August 2010 by a barely believable 93 percent. Many human-rights and democratic groups charged that the election was marred by violence and repression. Two opposition figures were killed and one attacked under suspicious circumstances. Several opposition candidates were refused permission to take part. Kagame firmly denies any election manipulation or violence.

Now attention is already focusing on the next election in 2017.

The crucial importance of whether Kagame runs for a third term can be understood when looking at neighboring Uganda, where President Yoweri Museveni has extended his rule to more than 25 years, and has increased repression there. Further south in Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe has kept himself in power for 31 years, ruining his country's economy in the process, and at the cost of widespread violence, killings and other human-rights abuses. A third term is a bad sign for a country's democracy.

Related: 2 sides to Paul Kagame

Kagame states publicly that he has no plans to change Rwanda's constitution so that he will be able to run for another term.

"I will not be around as President come 2017," said Kagame in an interview with the International Reporting Project. But he added a qualification that suggested there might be a loophole. "Let's make judgment about 2017 when we come to 2017."

But more telling may be the statements from officials of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front party calling for Kagame to stay in power. The party's faithful do not say things that Kagame does not want to hear, so many in Rwanda fear that, with Kagame's blessing, the party is starting a campaign to keep Kagame in power.

Kagame has a reputation as an adroit politician and he may well choose the option of hand-picking a successor who will allow Kagame to continue calling the shots, something like the arrangement worked out between Russia's Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev.

Rwanda has made considerable headway, especially in improving its health, education and economy. But despite efforts to put up a façade of ethnic unity, it is clear that Rwanda has daunting obstacles to strengthening its democracy.

Rwanda's challenge is to build a future that transcends its tragic past.

More from GlobalPost: Rwanda Now

Andrew Meldrum's trip to Rwanda was part of the International Reporting Project's Gatekeeper Editors' tour.

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http://fr.groups.yahoo.com/group/Democracy_Human_Rights Maître Innocent TWAGIRAMUNGU DHR FOUNDER&OWNER Tél.mobile: 0032- 495 48 29 21 UT UNUM SINT "L'extrémisme dans la défense de la liberté n'est pas un vice; La modération dans la poursuite de la justice n'est pas une vertu". "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." (USA,Republican Convention 1964,Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-1998)). "Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal mais par ceux qui regardent et refusent d'agir", Albert EINSTEIN. Les messages publiés sur DHR n'engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs. CONSIDERATION, TOLERANCE, PATIENCE AND MUTUAL RESPECT towards the reinforcement of GOOD GOVERNANCE,DEMOCRACY and HUMAN RIGHTS in our states. Liability and Responsibility: You are legally responsible, and solely responsible, for any content that you post to DHR. You may only post materials that you have the right or permission to distribute electronically. The owner of DHR cannot and does not guarantee the accuracy of any statements made in or materials posted to the group by participants. " BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE. COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!! Let's rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA

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Fw: DHR Rwanda journalists under threat

2011-12-31T13:18:00.002Z

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/africa/111216/rwanda-journalists-under-threat

Rwandan news hawkers sell paper in downton Kigali on December 18, 2011. (Steve Terrill/GlobalPost)

Rwanda journalists under threat

Despite repression and its troubling past, many in Rwanda's press look forward.

Andrew MeldrumDecember 30, 2011 06:05

KIGALI, Rwanda — Sporting a hat at a jaunty angle and a winning smile, Fred Mwasa is very much a journalist about town here.

Driving through Kigali, he rattles off commentary about the construction sprouting up across the capital city.

"That is our first shopping mall. And that is going to be a Marriott Hotel. … Americans bring democracy. Chinese bring things we need, like new roads," says Mwasa, pointing out a new divided thoroughfare, landscaped with grass, flowering shrubs and palm trees.

Mwasa shows a poor neighborhood that he says will be torn down as part of the government's ambitious urban development of Kigali.

"These old houses will be replaced by high-rise buildings. The families will be moved to the outskirts. Maybe they will be happy with their new homes, but maybe not," said Mwasa, 31. "We want to look into that."

Mwasa has a reporter's knack for seeing stories wherever he looks. That's good, because he's the managing editor of a new weekly newspaper, The Chronicles, a sharp-looking paper that brims with political stories, features and commentary.

"Rwandan readers are looking for good stories to read and we are providing that," said Mwasa, in his office, which features portraits of Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King, Jr.

"I'm optimistic about Rwanda," said Mwasa. "There is so much going on. So many new businesses. The time is right for a new paper."

Two months old, The Chronicles' circulation of 5,000 is quickly growing, and Mwasa expects advertisers will soon follow.

Mwasa's bubbling enthusiasm about the prospects of Rwanda's press, however, is not shared by many in the African media world. Rwanda is ranked as one of the world's most repressive countries for the press, according to recent surveys.

More from GlobalPost: 2 sides to Paul Kagame

Reporters Without Borders rates the Rwanda press climate as one of the 10 worst in the world, with a ranking of 168 out of 179 countries. Freedom House rates Rwanda's press as "not free" and places it at 178 out of 192 countries.

Several independent papers have closed down after being criticized by President Paul Kagame's government. Editors and reporters who have angered the government have fled Rwanda.

Sometimes even exile does not ensure safety. A Rwandan journalist was shot dead in Uganda on Dec. 1 in what many suspect was a hit job. Charles Ingabire, 32, was an outspoken critic of the Kagame government in the website, Inyenyeri. Police recovered five casings of a sub-machine gun in the bar where Ingabire was killed.

This was not the first time Ingabire was attacked. He was severely beaten in October by assailants who took his laptop and demanded that he shut down Inyenyeri. The website was hacked into and temporarily closed.

Ingabire is the second Rwandan journalist killed in less than two years. In June 2010, Jean-Léonard Rugambage, deputy editor of Umuvugizi a paper critical of the government, was shot as he drove home in Kigali.

"Critical journalists are not tolerated in Rwanda," states the Committee to Protect Journalists. Since April 2010, six journalists fearing intimidation and arrests have fled in exile, according to the CPJ. Two Rwandan journalists, Agnès Uwimana and Saidati Mukakibibi, currently face lengthy prison sentences for charges that include insulting President Paul Kagame.

Yet, Mwasa and others say that the situation for the press is slowly improving. The Kagame government is taking steps to relax its grip on the state broadcasting and to reform laws regulating the press.

The improvements for the press were highlighted at the National Media Dialogue, a government-sponsored conference on the press on Nov. 15.

Dramatically contradicting the government's speeches was the arrest, the same day, of the managing director of The New Times, a pro-government newspaper that had run an expose of corruption.

Rwanda's press is relatively small and centered in Kigali. Rwanda's literacy rate is 70 percent. As more than 80 percent of the country's 11 million people live in the rural areas, radio is the most widely used way people get news.

Related: Rwandan journalist Charles Ingabire killed in Uganda

As in everything in Rwanda, the press is affected by the 1994 genocide. Prominent Rwandan newspapers and radio stations aggressively incited the mass killings. That troubling history makes the government wary about allowing a completely unfettered press.

"This sector continues to be plagued by lack of professionalism," said Prime Minister Pierre Damien Habumurenyi, when opening the National Media Dialogue. "Some of our journalists use their independence and open media environment in ways that stand in contrast to the democratic ideas for which they claim to fight."

As Rwanda works to build a future beyond the genocide, a free press is necessary, according to Mwasa.

"We have a positive contribution to make," said Mwasa, who also teaches journalism in Kigali. "The press should point out things that people think is taboo — to encourage debate."

For instance, Mwasa's paper has featured articles on the issue of whether or not President Kagame should run for a third term. The paper quotes government supporters who say it would be a good thing for Kagame to extend his time in office. Others say it would be terrible.

"This is a healthy debate," said Mwasa. "We are helping to make a more open atmosphere in our society. That's good for all Rwandans."

More: Rwanda Now

Andrew Meldrum's trip to Rwanda was sponsored by the International Reporting Project.

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Fw: DHR SD has nothing to learn from Kagame’s Rwanda

2011-12-31T13:18:00.001Z

http://www.times.co.sz/Letters-to-the-Editor/36107.html

SD has nothing to learn from Kagame's Rwanda

By The Editor on December 30,2011

SD has nothing to learn from Kagame's Rwanda

Right to Reply:
Sir,

Under the name of Alpheous M Nxumalo, the Times of Swaziland published on Thursday November 28, 2011 an article entitled 'SD can learn from Rwanda's Kagame'. President Paul Kagame is cited by the author as 'one of my favourite statesmen in the world'. Nxumalo may have been blinded by the hidden agenda of the regime in Kigali as it practices aggressive politics when it comes to media opinions.

Rwanda is a small country situated in Central Africa, with an area of about 26.338 km2 and a population of 11 million inhabitants (more than 400 people per km2). Swaziland is a small country in southern Africa, with an area of 17 000 km2, a population of around 1.2 million. There ends the comparison.

Rwanda is essentially an agricultural country, without important mineral resources. The average Rwandan lives on less than E15 a day (around US$2). The Rwandan capital of Kigali actually counts one million citizens (250 000 in 1994). The country has people from three ethnic groups: one per cent Twa (pygmies), 10 per cent Tutsi (Nilotics) and 89 per cent Hutu (Bantu).

Rwanda is known for the 'Genocide of 1994', in the course of which a population of around 600 000 people were massacred in a period of 100 days. On April 6, a plane transporting President Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart President Cyprien Ntaryamira, their staff and the three members of the French crew was shot out of the sky over Kigali and this set off the Genocide. Everybody agrees that the downing of this plane was a catastrophe for the people of Rwanda and the surrounding region. The RPF quickly declared the plane had been shot down by extremists from the rival FAR who did not want the Arusha Accords applied. The reality is that the plane was most likely shot down on the orders of some people. No enquiry was initiated by the Rwandan authorities after the Genocide into the 'accident' in which two presidents and their staffs perished in a civilian airplane. Last year, under pressure from the families of the French pilots, the French government conducted an inquiry which was supposed to have been published in March 2011. It was reported to have been completed in May 2011, and now we are in December and nothing has been made public, as they don't want to embarrass the French government with a publication that would, without doubt, threaten the relationship between them and Kagame and his clique.

Nine of Kagame's generals are the object of international investigations for war crimes or crimes against humanity. Kagame would also be investigated but he has immunity as Chief of State. Forty of Kagame's officers are being pursued by the Spanish justice system for the same crimes. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (TPIR) has functioned for 16 years without being able to prove who planned the Genocide.

Today, 40 per cent of the budget is consecrated to an army of more than 200 000 soldiers (the Swazi army counts about 5 000 soldiers and the Rwandan army before 1990 counted 8 000) although most of the budget is supported by foreign aid. Rwanda has not only profited from external finance but also from pillaging the natural resources of their giant neighbour, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In effect, under the pretext of pursuing the Interahamwe (the militias responsible for most of the killings in the genocide) into the Congo the army of Kagame has made many incursions into the Congo and profited from pillaging the natural resources of the Congo, above all gold and diamonds – to the point that Rwanda has become a premier producer of diamonds without mining a single carat. In the course of this enrichment, Kagame and his clique have created financial empires in both Rwanda and foreign countries. T The Rwandan government has even seen it fit to 'sell' the Genocide to foreigners who visit the Genocide Museum in Gisozi.

The political space in Rwanda is dominated by the RPF. Other parties exist in name only and are obliged to work within what is called the Forum of Parties. A party of opposition does not exist. The Rwandan Constitution gives the measure of Kagame because it says a candidate doesn't have to have finished secondary school – for the sole reason that Kagame allegedly finished only three years after primaryschool! It's not good to oppose Kagame because you'll allegedly end up in prison or disappear mysteriously. Journalists disappear or go into exile. It's a country where demonstrations are forbidden. In Swaziland, where the police also have a tendency to be rigorous, students and lawyers have been allowed to demonstrate lawfully. The elections in Rwanda are allegedly a farce; Kagame has regularly won (twice, for seven-year terms) with the Stalinesque score of 100 per cent. It is a country of apartheid, wherechildren of Tutsi who escaped the Genocide are entitled to study for free from primary school to universitywhile the children of the Hutu live in total poverty.

Related news
http://www.times.co.sz/Features/35080.html
SD can learn from Rwanda's KAgame
By Alpheous Nxumalo on November 28,2011

0

SD can learn from Rwanda's KAgame

Those tasked with the responsibility of resuscitating our economy should have enough courage in knowing that their task is a possibility. Other countries in the world saw and experienced worse economic conditions than we are currently seeing and experiencing in the kingdom of Swaziland.

I have in mind the case of the dramatic rebuilding of the Republic of Rwanda's economy after the 1994 genocide, in which an estimated one million people were killed.
General Paul Kagame, the President of Rwanda (whom I count as one of my favourite statesmen in the world), has proved beyond doubt that a state near total collapse can be salvaged by a credible, hardworking and tough political leadership.
President Kagame is leading Rwanda from the front. This leader is genuine, original and assertive. Kagame is not leading Rwanda as though he is acting in a movie. Politics is not a movie wherein people can assume different roles and characters. You can't act like them but you must be contextual, real and have a vision of what it should be away from what it is.
The total dysfunction of both the political processes and the states' institutions that were used as 'state machines' to perpetrate and commit acts of genocide were salvaged by President Kagame's administration and were placed at their rightful position where they are now serving national interest.
True to the saying; Kagame came, he saw and he conquered. The man is an embodiment of total intellectualism and of credible leadership.
Given an opportunity, Kagame is sweeping the streets of Kigali every weekend. He is the only street sweeping President that I know of in the world.

Transforming

While some of his critics don't like some of his methods, they however, don't deny his results in transforming both the economic and political landscape of Rwanda. Under his leadership, Rwanda has been cited in many international economic and development reports as 'one of Africa's biggest success stories'.
It has also been reported by United Nations Development Programme that unlike many other African states, Rwanda is due to achieve most of the millennium development goals (MDGs).
This is the legacy that President Kagame will leave behind when he retires from the Presidency of Rwanda—a legacy of a leader who does not postpone decisions when they are to be taken.
The francophone world was left stunned and dismayed when President Kagame took the decision to join the commonwealth—declaring that the 'values of the Commonwealth and of Rwanda are in unison. We take human rights, good governance and democracy seriously, not only because we know it is the right thing to do but because we know from our tragic past the consequences of ignoring them – something that will not be repeated'.

Unimaginable

The case of Rwanda and the immaculate leadership of President Kagame is proof and a living example that a failed or failing state can be re-created with great and unimaginable success.
It all lies in the hands of the political leadership and the entire population. Rwanda's dramatic escape from becoming a failed state sends this message to the whole world: 'It is possible!' President Kagame and the entire people of Rwanda deserve to be saluted for their achievements since 1994. The leader, from rebel to president, is one of the few in Africa who can declare that, 'you ask Rwandans themselves of the progress we have made since the end of the genocide in 1994. Ask them what they think'.
These are words of a confident leader, a leader who knows that he has fulfilled the mandate of the people.
There is man in President Paul Kagame that other men in leadership in Africa can follow as an example. Swaziland is nowhere being worse than other states that have travelled the road of economic decline and recovered. I personally have a lot of confidence that given the opportunity for our political leadership to learn and adapt quickly, the country will soon be up and working again.
Those who are busy preparing the 'night vigil' and 'obituaries' on their perceived burial of the state shall be disappointed. Those who thought that through our economic hardships they have multiplied their fortunes and found their 'Trojan Horse' to power and fame should think again.

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Fw: DHR Exiled Green Party chief sure of Kagame’s departure

2011-12-31T13:18:00.000Z

http://the-chronicles.net/index.php/politics/251-exiled-green-party-chief-sure-of-kagames-departure-.html

Exiled Green Party chief sure of Kagame's departure

Tuesday, 06 December 2011 09:10 Fred W. Mwasa

'Kagame will not change constitution'

The leader of the embattled and unregistered Democratic Green Party of Rwanda (DGPR) says all indications

are that President Paul Kagame will not seek to amend the constitution to stay in power– a rare position and insight from an exiled opposition politician. Frank Habineza said the president understands the "big risk" of entrenching himself in power. "Kagame knows very well that it's such a big risk to change the constitution and take on the third term," said Habineza, who took a leading role in organising protests late October at the Commonwealth Summit in Australia against the presence of President Kagame.

Habineza's comments add up to those of previous party leaders that have been serialised in The Chronicles in a special report on the period leading up to 2017. The peak of the debate was when the leader of the Ideal Democratic Party (PDI) – who doubles as Internal Security Minister, Sheikh Musa Fazil Harelimana, went on record calling for President Kagame to rule for as long as he wishes and for as long as Rwandans wanted him too. Harerimana then called for amending the constitution to provide for such a possibility.

Amending the constitution, Habineza said, "would be a good excuse to take back the country into abyss. I think [Kagame] will pick someone to succeed him."

"RPF OYEE, RPF OYEE..."
Up until he fled the country last year, Frank Habineza had failed to register the Green Party. In 2009, the police broke up two party meetings which the group claimed were meant to collect signatures for registration. In one particular incident on October 30, 2009, as several hundred party members sat in a conference room, two men started repeatedly chanting 'RPF OYEE' – in reference to the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front.

The moment would be followed up by chaos as conference delegates sought to throw the men out. Within minutes, police were at the scene and announced the conference was no more. In the months that followed, bitter public in-fighting erupted in the Green Party. The secretary general Charles Kabanda accused Habineza of undermining party structures. Habineza blamed the ruling party for the rifts.

In July last year, its vice president Andre Kagwa Rwisereka was gruesomely murdered in the Southern province near Butare town. Despite several arrests, police and prosecution dropped the case in September this year – citing lack of evidence. The case simply raises the temperatures that Habineza has called for a UN-led investigation.

The largely unknown Greens group planned to field a candidate in the August 2010 presidential polls, but backed out – again accusing the government of closing the political environment. Publicly, it is hard to find anybody in Rwanda identifying themselves as Green Party activists, save for Habineza, a media savvy figure who is quick to publish a press release at every incident.

Open political space, please
Frank Habineza tells The Chronicles that the next six years running to 2017 "will continue to be a big challenge to President Kagame, unless he accepts and lets opposition parties to get registered and take part in nation building". Failure to do so, he warns, will put the country's future at a big risk.

"The Government cannot afford to continue excluding fellow Rwandans. The time for opening up of political space is now," added Habineza. In the months leading up to the presidential poll, Habineza went into an on-and-off cooperation with the unregistered United Democratic Forum Inkingi (FDU-Inkingi) of jailed Ingabire Victoire (pictured left) and registered PS Imberakuru –of imprisoned Bernard Ntaganda. Surprisingly, it was always Habineza going out and then returning to the coalition soon after.

At some point, an angry Victoire Ingabire described Habineza as politically immature. The Greens group is not thinking about 2017 yet, instead, Habineza says he is mobilising for the 2013 lower chamber parliamentary elections. "Our main objective is to become a real alternative to the ruling RPF, we cannot achieve that by operating from exile," said Habineza, who however did not divulge details about his return.
"It's been a tough journey for us, but we have not lost hope. I plan to return and spearhead that process."

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Fw: DHR Lawsuit over Rwandan genocide appealed in federal court in Denver

2011-12-31T13:17:00.002Z

http://www.denverpost.com/news/ci_19643670#.Tv3gSoU93vk.email

DENVER AND THE WEST

Lawsuit over Rwandan genocide appealed in federal court in Denver

POSTED: 12/30/2011 01:00:00 AM MSTUPDATED: 12/30/2011 06:14:37 AM MST

By John Ingold
The Denver Post

Rwandan President Paul Kagame speaks with journalists in September in Paris. The widows of former presidents of Rwanda and Burundi accuse Kagame of plotting to assassinate their husbands.(AFP/Getty Images file)

A lawsuit that seeks to upend the way the world sees the Rwandan genocide has made its way to 18th and Stout streets.

Last month, the widows of the former presidents of Rwanda and neighboring Burundi filed a notice of appeal with the Denver-based 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, challenging the dismissal of their lawsuit against current Rwandan President Paul Kagame. The widows claim that Kagame gave the order to assassinate their husbands, an allegation that Kagame vehemently denies and that has never been conclusively settled.

"There is a completely different narrative about what happened in Rwanda than is commonly known," said Peter Erlinder, a Minnesota law professor who is representing the widows.

The unusual court filing challenges the story of one of the bloodiest acts of genocide in recent world history — a 100-day massacre in 1994 in which an estimated 800,000 people were killed.

That massacre was triggered by an April 6, 1994, missile attack that took down the plane carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira. The death toll over the next three months was equivalent to the combined populations of Denver, Lakewood, Littleton and Englewood.

The accepted view is that many of the atrocities were committed by loyalists to the Hutu government and against minority Tutsis and their moderate Hutu supporters. By the end of the killings, Kagame — a Tutsi and the then-leader of a rebel group — was in charge of Rwanda.

The lawsuit's accusation is that Tutsis provoked the genocide in order to seize power. Erlinder goes further, saying Hutus had no plans in advance to commit the killings.

"These killings werenotas a result of a 'pre-planned government-led genocide' or 'conspiracy,' " the lawsuit says.

That, said University of Denver law professor David Akerson, is flat wrong.

Akerson was for three years the manager of the

A Rwanda Patriotic Front rebel walks past wreckage from a plane crash that killed Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira on April 6, 1994. (Associated Press file)

prosecution's evidence section at the United Nations criminal tribunal for Rwanda. Akerson said evidence showed ruling Hutus had weapons caches around the country in preparation for violence and lists of Tutsis to target. There is no doubt the Hutus organized in advance to commit the killings, Akerson said.

An alternate theory on the assassinations of Habyarimana and Ntaryamira is that they were killed by hard-line Hutus as a pretext for the genocide.

"It is very clear that it was a well-planned genocide," Akerson said. Killings, he said, sometimes went on at a rate of more than 10,000 per day.

"It is statistically impossible that it erupted in such a coordinated and consistent manner across the country" without it being pre-planned, Akerson said.

Genocide denial

Erlinder is a controversial figure. He was jailed last year for several weeks in Rwanda on charges of genocide denial. Until earlier this year, he was a defense attorney at the Rwanda tribunal for Hutu genocide suspects. He was barred from the tribunal after he refused to appear at the court in Tanzania, saying he feared for his safety.

Erlinder said a trove of suppressed evidence files supports his version of events, and he pointed to several acquittals and sentence-reductions at the tribunal as proof that the prosecution's version of the genocide is flawed.

Erlinder said he was approached by the former presidents' widows to take on the lawsuit. He filed

Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana and his wife, Agathe, attend an official meeting in April 1977 at the Elysee Palace in Paris. Agathe Habyarimana and Sylvana Ntaryamira, widow of former Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira, claim current Rwandan President Paul Kagame ordered their husbands' deaths. (STF/AFP/Getty Images file)

the suit last year in federal court under the Alien Tort Claims Act, which allows for U.S. courts to have jurisdictions over human-rights abuses committed in other countries. The case was filed in Oklahoma because of Kagame's ties to Oklahoma Christian University, where, among other connections, he spoke at graduation last year.

Leader's immunity

After the lawsuit was filed, Kagame's attorneys argued he should be immune under a head-of-state exemption. The U.S. government concurred that Kagame can't be sued while in office. Based on that concurrence, the federal district judge in Oklahoma dismissed the case.

Erlinder is asking the 10th Circuit to re-instate the lawsuit, saying the court shouldn't merely defer to the executive branch.

Oral arguments aren't expected until mid-2012 at the earliest.

According to the Justice Department, no judge has ever gone against an executive branch head-of-state determination. But Ved Nanda, a professor of international law at the University of Denver, said Erlinder isn't automatically sunk. Nanda said the Alien Tort law might allow lawsuits against heads of state who commit human-rights atrocities.

The 10th Circuit "cannot ignore the head-of-state immunity from the executive," Nanda said. "But they are permitted under the Alien Tort Claims statute to bring cases against heads of state."

John Ingold: 303-954-1068 orjingold@denverpost.com

Read more:Lawsuit over Rwandan genocide appealed in federal court in Denver - The Denver Post http://www.denverpost.com/news/ci_19643670#.Tv3gSoU93vk.email#ixzz1i2CecFyy
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Fw: DHR Rwanda Now: Betting on economic growth

2011-12-31T13:17:00.001Z

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/africa/111218/rwanda-economy-growth

Kigali is developing rapidly and entire regions are under construction. (Steve Terrill/GlobalPost)

Rwanda Now: Betting on economic growth

Rwanda tames corruption and uses radical business reforms to boost its economy.

Andrew MeldrumDecember 30, 2011 06:05

KIGALI, Rwanda — The two-year-old stock market in this small central African backwater is not exactly bustling with billion-dollar deals.

But stock brokers here have earnest ambitions to become a financial powerhouse, and not everyone thinks they're crazy; on the contrary, they're actually making real progress.

The country synonymous with genocide is aiming to become the economic powerhouse of East and Central Africa.

For now, Rwanda's stock exchange resembles a middle-school classroom more than Wall Street. It consists of a white board where a young man occasionally writes up an offer with a black Sharpie. Above the whiteboard is a portrait of President Paul Kagame. Nearby is a wooden-handled bell, used to open and close trading.

David Mitali, 28, snaps open his cell phone and advises a broker about Bralirwa Brewery. An "operations manager" at the exchange, he knows Bralirwa well: it is one of only four listed stocks; the exchange also handles government bonds.

"The Rwanda Stock Exchange aims to become the financial center in east Africa," says Mitali, who has worked here since it opened. He enthusiastically lists reasons why Kigali may succeed.

"We're developing a good reputation for being user friendly," he says. "No tricky, tricky business here. No corruption. We are becoming a market where investors like to do business."

"The security of the country is good. Our economy is fast developing. Investors are coming here to invest in the wider region," he adds.

There is some truth to Mitali's assertions.

Seventeen years ago, the genocide here killed some 800,000 people, leaving most of the country's 11 million people deeply traumatized. But now, its determined president, former army general Paul Kagame, is working hard to transform Rwanda into the most business friendly country in East Africa.

More from GlobalPost: Rwanda's unspoken history

Kagame is making real progress. GDP growth has averaged 8 percent since 2004. In 1995, 100 percent of the government budget came from foreign aid. In 2011, it has fallen to 40 percent. The government aims to get that to zero.

If there were a "most improved player" award for business cultures, Rwanda would be a contender.

Just three years ago, in the World Bank's list of best places to do business, Rwanda ranked a dismal 150th. This year, it has leaped to 58th. One innovation that has helped this: Rwanda changed its official language from French to English last year, to accommodate commerce from neighboring countries Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania.

More remarkably, Rwanda now ties the United States as the ninth-easiest country in which to start a business, according to the World Bank's 2011 Doing Business Survey. That's up from 71st in 2008.

That 'can-do' business climate is evident at the offices of the Rwanda Development Board. There, one recent morning, about 50 Rwandans sat in rows, each clutching papers to register new companies.

Large posters proclaim "1-Day Business Registration." From the sound of stamps thumping on papers and the flow of smiling people leaving the room, the office is keeping its promise.

"When we started in January 2009, eight different institutions were needed to approve investments. Now we have one," said Clare Akamanzi, chief operating office of the Rwanda Development Board. "Our main objective is to spur economic development through the private sector. Every year we look at what needs to be improved to get more economic development."

And they implement their ideas.

One example: Just across the hall from the business permit office, Rwandans can apply for business loans.

These days, construction permits require just one application, and approvals take less than 30 days.

That innovation is having a tangible impact on Kigali. Outside the stock market, the streets clang with the construction of shiny office towers that are fast becoming the city's defining feature. The stock exchange is in one of the new towers. Nearby skyscrapers house the Bank of Kigali, Ecobank, the Rwandan Central Bank and Ernst and Young.

The city's business men and women in suits and carrying briefcases are aiming to make Kigali the rival of Nairobi for East African business.

Rwanda still has a long way to go.

A majority of Rwandans still live on less than 50 cents per day, according to the CIA World Factbook, with 77 percent on less than $1.25 daily. With a population growth rate of 2.7 percent, Rwanda needs annual GDP growth of 8 percent to sustainably reduce poverty and increase revenues.

Despite Rwanda's fertile soils and abundant rainfall, food production often does not meet demand, requiring imports. Rwanda continues to receive substantial aid money and obtained IMF-World Bank Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative debt relief in 2005-06.

The country does not have oil or other significant resources or major industry. It's a mountainous territory about the size of Maryland, and has the highest population density in sub-Saharan Africa. This is particularly problematic because 86 percent of the population subsists on traditional agriculture, according to the United Nations. The scarcity of land means the country must rapidly develop its economy to give Rwandans an alternative to tilling the soil.

To transform Rwanda into a linchpin for regional trade, the country has opened 24-hour border operations, to promote the flow of cargo and people.

Rwanda joined the East African Community, whose other members are Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Burundi. The government is aligning Rwanda's budget, trade, and immigration policies with its regional partners.

Related: Genocide memorial a pathway to healing

Although Rwanda is looking East, it is also reaching West. It is angling to become the trade conduit for eastern Congo's wealth of minerals and also to provide goods and services for that country.

"There is lots of trade between Congo and Rwanda, and it's growing," said Aloys Tegera, director of research for the Pole Institute of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Standing by the teeming border of between Gisenyi, in Rwanda, and Goma, eastern Congo, Tegera points to trucks lined up to transport minerals into Rwanda.

And nearby he shows pedestrians streaming from Rwanda into Congo, carrying fruits, vegetables and freshly butchered meat.

In dramatic contrast to the order and neatness on the Rwandan side of the border, eastern Congo is chaotic. It is easy to see why businessmen say that going from Rwanda to Congo is "like going from Switzerland to Somalia."

"Across the border we don't have a functioning state. Congo's banking system is not good, and many Congolese are setting up bank accounts here in Rwanda," said Tegera. "Many Congo teachers come over to teach in Rwanda, and many people prefer to use the Rwanda postal service."

Leveraging its position between East and Central Africa is an important strategy the Kagame government is using to boost Rwanda's economy, said Tegera.

"Rwanda's reputation for little corruption and good business services is making the country attractive," he said. "Many Congolese are coming to Rwanda to do business."

Andrew Meldrum reported this article under a "Gatekeeper Fellowship" from the International Reporting Project.

More from GlobalPost: Rwanda Now

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Fw: DHR Further evidence of Paul Kagame’s destabilizing character in Eastern Congo

2011-12-31T13:17:00.000Z

http://newsrwanda-nkunda.blogspot.com/2011/12/further-evidence-of-paul-kagames.html

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Further evidence of Paul Kagame's destabilizing character in Eastern Congo

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Ambrose Nizeyimana, a Rwandan blogger writes about the involvement of Rwandan troops in the DRC. While you might think this is past tense, the reality is that Paul Kagame's army is still very active in the eastern region. The story is not an easy one to understand. Alliances change very rapidly, and Rwanda often allies itself with their enemies (Hutu FDLR) in order to loot DRC's minerals. The Congolese army (FARDC) has also collaborated with the FDLR at various stages in the region's volatile history. The most important moral lesson is that, the international community needs to start shunning armed actors whether in the DRC or in Rwanda. The less legitimacy they command internationally, the close we can come to achieving peace in the region. Below is the Nizeyimana's piece. Saturday, 30 October 2010 at 18:54 – David Barouski reported on his online pages facts confirming what has always been the reality on the ground but carefully misrepresented in mainstream media, because of diverse interests they protect. The destabilizing character of Paul Kagame in Eastern Congo under different disguises is uncontestable since the time he first invaded DRC alongside Uganda and Burundi in 1996. Barouski explains that, 'Rwandan soldiers in FARDC uniforms have been spotted near some of the mining areas there. There are also reportedly Rwandans trying to strike deals with Congolese traders in Beni-Lubero to create mining cooperatives. Some sources claim they are planning to go to Northern Katanga and South Kivu as well. Sources in Goma claim that, despite the smuggling, coltan stocks bought illegally before the mining ban are being smuggled to Rwanda without much problem, as the border guards and customs officials are still easily paid off. Charcoal, ivory, wildlife, and cash crops are still smuggled as well.'The source continues highlighting other troubling development further south in the same Eastern Congo. 'In South Kivu, the FRF have allied with the FDLR. In the past, prior to the arrest of Laurent Nkunda, the FRF was allied with the CNDP and Kigali, as pointed out in the UN Panel of Experts report of 2008. Both groups joined, in part, because their numbers have dwindled. The FDLR has lost about half of its capacity due to the FARDC and RDF operations. However, RDF soldiers who deployed in the area, along with Amani Leo units, have been unable to dislodge them due to difficult terrain. RDF soldiers are said to be fighting the FRF in Itwombe. There is talk that the FNL may join this coalition, and other Bembe from that region may join in as well.'David Barouski goes on explaining some of the intricacies of what forces on the ground are at.Rwanda is concerned that if the FNL take to fighting again, and especially if they team up with the FDLR, the FDLR will be able to have access to inflitrate Rwanda from the southern front via Nyungwe if they can get past border security and the patrols and bases in and along the forest. Rwanda's forces are stretched somewhat thin, as numerous soldiers have infiltrated Congo to fight and other 3,200 – 3,300 soldiers and police are in Darfur. There is also the pro-Nkundists, defected RDF soldiers, and the CND holed up in Uganda to the North. Rwanda does not need to defend another front. The RDF soldiers in Congo hope to severely weaken the FDLR, FPLC, pro-Nkundists, and all other anti-Rwandan militias before they can organize and possibly form an alliance. Kigali would prefer to use smaller commando units and use their army intermittently, not as an occupying force in large numbers.After the mass rapes in Luvungi, following a meeting between President Kagame and President Kabila, the FARDC inacted the mining ban and launched a military attack in Walikale territory to defeat the Mai-Mai Cheka, FDLR led by General Mudacamura and a militia led by Colonel Emmanuel Nsengiyumva. The militia allegedly has pro-Nkundists in its ranks. With Kabila's permission, the RDF went to Walikale and sources claim Bosco was sent there as well. The purpose of the operation appears to be to get the mine out of the hands of the FDLR and pro-Nkundists and back into the hands of Bosco and his loyalists in the FARDC and his militia the FLEC. They can still collect illegal taxation along the routes. That way, Rwanda, and the FLEC, can potentially at some point benefit from the cassiterite trade there while depriving anti-Rwandan militias of the funding they sorely need. Rwanda needs to back the FLEC as a proxy against the anti-Rwandan militias and the FLEC is protecting some of the land owned by prominent RPF members and high-ranking RDF soldiers.They are also helping provide protection for the Tutsi refugee returnees, and the Rwandans who are sneaking across the border with them and settling in Masisi territory, bringing their cattle and belongings with them. Some sources claim the new occupants of Bisie, officially one of the brigades of the 21st sector (recall the Rwandans are in FARDC uniform), might be looking to cut deals with new traders before the mining ban is lifted. This coincides with the alleged visitation of Rwandans looking to set up joint cooperatives. Keep an eye on Rwanda's export numbers. The FLEC also appears to have allied with the Hutu elements of PARECO.It is also being said that the FLEC, under Bosco's command, have allegedly been helping Rwanda's DMI assassinate key ex-CNDP officers allied with Nkunda as well as CNDP moneymen allied with Nkunda. These assassinations have occurred in Congo. Some pro-Nkundists are now allegedly joining the FLEC's ranks or alligning themselves with the pro-Bosco FARDC elements. Officially, Bosco is supposed to be relieved of his position in the FARDC. Pres. Kabila is apparently beginning to move the ex-CNDP out of North Kivu, as mentioned before, but don't be surprised if the ones moved are the pro-Nkundists, not the pro-Bosco ex-CNDP soldiers.All the above developments led to General Kabarebe to visit officials in Kinshasa last week. In addition, there was a recent meeting of the Intelligence chiefs of Rwanda (Emmanuel Ndahiro [DMI]), DRC (Jean-Pierre Daruwezi [ANR]), and Burundi (Gen. Adolphe Nshimirimana [SNR]) in Bujumbura to discuss how to coordinate intellegence between their respective countries better in order to combat the non-state armed actors. The first step will be to appoint liason officers for each country.In this whole picture, the surprising element is the attitude of the international community which leaves free reign of internationally re-known military and political leaders accused of crimes against humanity, war crimes and acts of genocide, to operate without any condemnation. Bosco Ntaganda has an international warrant issued by ICC pending on his head. The UN report released on October 1^st on crimes committed in Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993 and 2003 accuses incontestably Paul Kagame of crimes against humanity, war crimes and acts of genocide character against Hutu refugees and Hutu Congolese populations.Wouldn't it be true that MONUSCO currently in DRC as its predecessor MINUAR in Rwanda back in 1993/94 is working to protect interests of those external forces to the Great Lakes region exploiting its mineral resources, instead of peacekeeping? In that context, who would be the equivalent of General Dallaire in the case of MINUAR playing the card of destabilizing elements in Eastern Congo the same way the former facilitated the Rwandan Patriotic Front to pile up ammunitions in the country for its final control?The timing of this reported incursion in Eastern Congo at the time of the US midterm elections reminds about the last official entry in DRC of Kagame's soldiers on January 20^th, 2009 on the day of the inauguration of Barack Obama. It looks as if Kagame's military advisers count significantly on any possible reaction of US while intervening in DRC. They progress only when US administration is very politically preoccupied by internal affairs. Which means analysts should preempt his next military moves when there will be general elections in US in 2012, this of course if Paul Kagame is still around.

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Rwanda: 2010 Report reveals Rwanda suffers major human rights violations despite economic progress

2011-11-09T10:18:00.002Z

Rwanda
Events of 2010

A supporter of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front holds a poster of incumbent President Paul Kagame at a rally in Byumba on August 2, 2010.
© 2010 Reuters

Downloadable Resources:
World Report Chapter: Rwanda (PDF)

Related Materials:
Rwanda: Silencing Dissent Ahead of Elections

More Coverage:
More Reporting on Rwanda
Rwanda's development and economic growth continued in 2010, but there were numerous violations of civil and political rights, and the government failed to fulfill its professed commitment to democracy. The year was marked by political repression and restrictions on freedom of expression and association in the run-up to the presidential election. In August President Paul Kagame was re-elected with 93.8 percent of the vote in an election in which he faced no meaningful challenge. None of the new opposition parties were able to participate in the elections. Opposition party members, independent journalists, and other government critics were subjected to persistent intimidation and harassment, including arrests, detention, ill-treatment, death threats, and at least two extrajudicial killings. A prominent government opponent in exile narrowly escaped an attempt on his life. Human rights organizations encountered hostility and numerous obstacles to their work.
Trials in the gacaca courts-community-based courts trying cases related to the 1994 genocide-began to wind down, though the deadline for their closure was postponed several times. The imminent completion of the gacaca process opened the way for further justice reforms. However, continuing concerns about fair trials prevented other states, as well as the Tanzania-based International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), from transferring genocide suspects to Rwanda.
The report of the mapping exercise on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights documented grave crimes allegedly committed by the Rwandan army in 1996 and 1997.
Attacks on Government Opponents
None of the three new opposition parties were able to nominate candidates in the presidential election. Local authorities prevented the FDU-Inkingi and the Democratic Green Party from registering as parties. Meetings of the PS-Imberakuri were disrupted, sometimes violently, by dissident members and other individuals.
The PS-Imberakuri, registered in 2009, was taken over in March 2010 by dissident members believed to have been manipulated by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). In late 2009 the Senate summoned the party's president, Bernard Ntaganda, on accusations of "genocide ideology." In June the police arrested Ntaganda and raided his house and the party office. The charges against him included endangering national security, inciting ethnic divisions, and organizing demonstrations without authorization. By November he was still in prison awaiting trial.
Victoire Ingabire, president of the FDU-Inkingi, who returned to Rwanda in January after 16 years in exile, was arrested in April on charges of "genocide ideology," "divisionism," and collaboration with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group active in eastern DRC and composed in part by individuals who participated in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Ingabire was released on bail with travel restrictions, but in October was re-arrested following allegations of involvement in forming an armed group. In November she remained in detention awaiting trial.
Members of the three new opposition parties received threats related to their party activities. Several members of the PS-Imberakuri and the FDU-Inkingi were arrested for attempting to hold a demonstration in June. Some were released, but others were arrested in July. Several were ill-treated by police in detention. In July the Green Party's vice-president, André Kagwa Rwisereka, was found dead, his body mutilated, outside the town of Butare. The circumstances of his death remain unclear.
Peter Erlinder, an American and one of Victoire Ingabire's defense lawyers , was arrested in May on charges of "genocide denial and minimization," and "spreading malicious rumors that could endanger national security." He was released on bail three weeks later. The charges against Erlinder, who is also a defense lawyer at the ICTR, related primarily to articles published in previous years in which he questioned key events surrounding the genocide.
On June 19 Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, a Rwandan general in exile in South Africa since February, was seriously injured in a murder attempt in Johannesburg. Once a close ally of President Kagame and former chief-of-staff of the Rwandan army, Nyamwasa has become an outspoken government critic since early 2010. South African authorities arrested several suspects. Rwanda has requested Nyamwasa's extradition, alleging he was behind a series of grenade attacks in Kigali earlier in the year.
Deogratias Mushayidi, a former journalist and outspoken government opponent in exile, was arrested in Burundi in March and handed over to Rwandan authorities. In September Mushayidi was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment on three charges: spreading rumors inciting civil disobedience, recruiting an armed group to overthrow the government, and using forged documents. He was also charged with four other offenses, including "genocide ideology" and "divisionism."
The government continued to use a law on "genocide ideology"-a broad and ill-defined offense-as a tool to silence independent opinion and criticism. In a welcome development, the minister of justice announced that the law was being reviewed.
Clampdown on Independent Media
In April the government-affiliated Media High Council suspended the independent newspapers Umuseso and Umuvugizi for six months, then called for their definitive closure, alleging, among other things, that some of their articles threatened national security. The editors of both newspapers fled into exile after receiving threats. Copies of the first edition of The Newsline, an English-language newspaper produced by exiled Umuseso journalists, were seized at the Uganda-Rwanda border in July.
In February Umuseso editor Didas Gasana, former editor Charles Kabonero, and journalist Richard Kayigamba were found guilty of defamation; they received sentences of between six months' and a year's imprisonment and were ordered to pay a large fine. In April Umuvugizi editor Jean-Bosco Gasasira was also found guilty of defamation and fined.
Umuvugizi journalist Jean-Léonard Rugambage, who had been investigating sensitive cases including the attempted murder of Nyamwasa, was shot dead in June outside his home in Kigali. He had reported being under increased surveillance in the days before his death.
Three journalists with the Umurabyo newspaper were arrested in July in connection with articles published in their newspaper; two remain in detention at this writing, while the other was only held for one day.
Obstructions to the Work of Human Rights Organizations
Human rights organizations operated in a difficult and hostile climate. Rwandan human rights groups, weakened by years of intimidation, received threats and were publicly accused by government officials of supporting the government's overthrow and armed groups linked to the genocide. Civil society itself was divided: organizations close to the government publicly denounced those who were more critical, such as the LDGL and LIPRODHOR, two of the few independent human rights groups left in the country. Under pressure from individuals close to the government, several organizations disowned a joint civil society submission on Rwanda for the Universal Periodic Review at the UN Human Rights Council.
International nongovernmental organizations, including Human Rights Watch, were repeatedly criticized and discredited by senior government officials and the pro-government media. Immigration authorities cancelled the work visa in March of Human Rights Watch's senior researcher in Kigali, rejected her second visa application, and forced her to leave the country in April.
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
In December 2009 the parliament took a positive initiative by voting against criminalizing homosexuality. However, continuing negative comments on homosexuality by some public officials and newspapers reinforced the stigma faced by sexual minorities.
Gacaca Trials
Gacaca courts were due to end their genocide trials in 2010, but the definitive completion of the process was repeatedly delayed. The government is developing mechanisms to handle outstanding genocide cases and to adjudicate alleged miscarriages of justice by gacaca jurisdictions.
Gacaca courts have prosecuted around 1.5 million cases with involvement from local communities across the country. The conduct of trials before gacaca courts has been mixed. Some judges delivered fair and objective judgments. Others handed down heavy sentences, including life imprisonment in isolation, on the basis of very little evidence. A number of witnesses and judges proved vulnerable to corruption and outside influence, affecting the outcome of trials and undermining confidence in the courts. Some defense witnesses were afraid to testify for fear of being accused of genocide themselves, and there were numerous allegations that gacaca courts sacrificed the truth to satisfy political interests.
Cases Related to the Democratic Republic of Congo
Laurent Nkunda, former leader of the Congolese rebel group the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), remained illegally detained under house arrest, without charge or trial, since January 2009. Repeated attempts to get his case heard in Rwandan courts were thwarted on the basis of legal technicalities.
There were several arrests, disappearances, and at least one killing of Congolese supporters of Nkunda in Rwanda, including Denis Ntare Semadwinga, who was murdered in June, and Sheikh Iddy Abbasi, who disappeared after being abducted in March.
On October 1 the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights published the report of its mapping exercise on the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003 (see chapter on the DRC). Among other things, the report documents grave crimes allegedly committed by the Rwandan army in 1996 and 1997. While the Congolese government welcomed the report, the Rwandan government rejected it, initially threatening to pull out its peacekeepers from UN missions if the UN published it.
Key International Actors
Most Western donors remained broadly supportive of the Rwandan government and few expressed public concern about human rights violations. However, in the pre-election period, and in the face of increasingly critical media coverage of Rwanda in their own countries, some donor governments raised mostly private concerns about political and media restrictions with the Rwandan government. These concerns were also mentioned in the final report of the Commonwealth Observer Group on the presidential election. Relations between Rwanda and the UN came under strain following the publication of the UN mapping report on the DRC.
Also available in:
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(http://www.hrw.org/en/world-report-2011/rwanda)

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A second Rwanda genocide is revealed in Congo

2011-11-09T10:18:00.001Z

A second Rwanda genocide is revealed in Congo

U.N. report ties Tutsi soldiers to deaths of thousands of Hutus

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John Moore / AP

A cross marks graves in eastern Congo that were photographed in 1997. A Tutsi soldier, who asked not to be identified, alleged Rwandan Hutu refugees were secretly buried here after being beaten, hacked or shot to death by rebel alliance soldiers.

By Michelle Faul

The Associated Press

updated 10/10/2010 12:25:15 PM ET 2010-10-10T16:25:15

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MUSEKERA, Congo — The mass graves are hidden in the darkening shade of a hard-to-reach banana plantation, high up a mountain above the cloud line, at the end of a treacherous dirt track slippery with mud and animal dung.

Those who survived say they did not go to the meeting called by Rwandan soldiers.

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The Congolese Hutu peasants who did were brought out of the thatched-roof meeting house two by two, to be bludgeoned to death with their own hoes, picks and axes. Some 300 villagers died that morning of Oct. 20, 1996, according to the local Observation Center for Human Rights and Social Assistance.

The story of the 1994 genocide of more than a half million Tutsis slaughtered by Hutus in Rwanda has been told in the world's press, in books and in movies such as "Hotel Rwanda." But the subsequent slaughter of Hutus in neighboring Congo is little known, and its perpetrators never have been brought to justice. The discovery of mass graves prompted investigations that led to a controversial U.N. report published on Oct. 1, which accuses invading Rwandan troops of killing tens of thousands of Hutus in 1996 and 1997.

"There are many, many such mass graves. We've identified 30 just in this Rutshuru district, but our research indicates that this was the first massacre committed by Rwandan troops," the center's coordinator, Herve Nsabimana, said beside the banana trees.

Many victims told their wives to take the youngest children and hide in the fields. Today, Musekera is a village of widows. The only man over 50 was at a nearby health center during the massacre.

Matata Ihigihugo has relatives in three mass graves: her husband and two sons in the one reserved for males, a sister in the women's grave, and her 8-year-old daughter in the one where children's small bodies were buried.

Passer Ã : Texte seulement, RÃ©sumÃ© du jour • Désinscription • Conditions dutilisation

Michelle Faul / AP

Matata Ihigihugo says her husband, three children and sister were killed by Rwandan Tutsi soldiers in a 1996 massacre of 300 Hutu civilians.

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Key political risks to watch in Rwanda

2011-11-09T10:18:00.000Z

FACTBOX-Key political risks to watch in Rwanda

KIGALI | Tue May 3, 2011 2:34pm BST

(http://uk.reuters.com/article/2011/05/03/rwanda-risks-idUKRISKRW20110503)

May 3 (Reuters) - President Paul Kagame's landslide election win in August 2010 paves the way for political continuity at a time critics accuse him of turning the screws on his rivals and dissenters.

Victoire Ingabire, one of Kagame's chief political opponents, remains in detention after authorities said she had been implicated in an investigation into a former rebel commander facing terrorism charges.

Former chief of staff Kayumba Nyamwasa and a former chief of military intelligence, Patrick Karegyeya, have been tried and sentenced to 20 years in jail in absentia by a military court.

Other Kagame allies turned foes, former director of cabinet Theogene Rudasingwa and former prosecutor general Gerald Gahima, were also sentenced in absentia for threatening state security and insulting the president. [ID:nLDE70D1DZ]

The four exiles accuse Kagame of conspiring to have them jailed on politically trumped up charges.

The reputation of Kagame, long a favourite with foreign donors, has also been dented by a U.N. report charging his army with committing war crimes in Democratic Republic of Congo.

The International Monetary Fund projects Rwanda's economy will grow 6.5-7.0 percent in 2011-12, higher than for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. Rwanda is also developing its nascent capital markets and it held a successful first initial public offering. [ID:nLDE70H210]

Here are some of the risk factors:

POLITICAL SPACE

Kagame's election win underlined his domination of the political arena. He has been praised for restoring stability after the 1994 genocide and engineering Rwanda's rapid economic recovery and its vision to be a middle-income country by 2020.

Investment doubled to $1.6 billion in 2009, a year after the country was named top global business reformer by the World Bank. But critics accuse Kagame of being authoritarian and of trampling on media and political freedoms.

What to watch:

-- The arrest of Nyamwasa. Rwanda has issued a notice to 188 member states of Interpol to have the convicted exiled army officer arrested and extradited to Rwanda.

Nyamwasa has been accused of harbouring and training a group of close to 200 militia in the Democratic Republic of Congo with intent to destabilize the region and particularly Rwanda.

The four exiled army officers say they are innocent and have challenged the government to produce evidence other than their writings and press interviews that they claim are protected by constitutional guarantee of free speech.

-- Trial of Ingabire. Ingabire remains in detention and the case remains a major test of the independence of Rwanda's judiciary. Legally, the charges should be dropped, or a trial should start. [ID:nLDE6BG1S1]

Ingabire was originally refused bail on the grounds that her release could threaten state security. She denies funding FDLR rebels and says her detention is politically motivated.

-- A court summons for American lawyer Peter Erlinder. Erlinder was arrested last May on charges of genocide denial after he flew in to represent Ingabire. He was released on bail a month later on health grounds.

Erlinder's case has also caused friction between Rwanda and the Tanzania-based International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, where Erlinder is defending genocide suspects.

-- Arrest of Paul Rusesabagina who saved 1,200 people from genocide in events depicted in the Oscar-nominated film "Hotel Rwanda", over allegations he helped fund a rebel force. His detention would likely generate more media interest than any crackdown on Kagame's other critics.

-- Outcome of French inquiry into shooting down of former President Juvenal Habyarimana's plane in 1994. Any repeat of the 2006 claim by a French judge that Kagame's forces were to blame could harm diplomatic relations with France.

RIFTS

Diplomats and sources close to the government say rifts within the Tutsi elite, including those in exile, risk undermining national stability.

The Ministry of Defence has said senior party and army officials in exile are not a threat. However, there is a risk Kagame's erstwhile allies, who are sounding increasingly belligerent, could coalesce into a serious opposition force, or form a rebellion of their own.

Kagame's war on graft, which has led to Rwanda being ranked the least corrupt nation in east Africa, has seen former political associates locked up.

Diplomatic sources say the arrest of Congolese Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkunda has also fuelled tensions within the ruling elite.

A U.N. panel reported in 2008 that the Rwandan army had supported Nkunda's rebel war in eastern Congo. Rwanda government officials say they are in talks with counterparts in Democratic Republic of Congo to find a common ground on Nkunda.

General Nyamwasa, Kagame's former chief-of-staff turned arch-critic who fled to South Africa in February, has formed a political body that includes other former high-level political and military allies of Kagame, also now exiled.

Nyamwasa's political group has formed an alliance with Ingabire's FDU party criticizing the government for alleged harassment of the media and intimidation of the opposition.

The alliance says it wants to eradicate alleged human rights violations in Rwanda and create a political environment that will nurture democratic governance.

What to watch:

-- Signs of deepening rifts within the military. Some observers say Nyamwasa's political moves could expose further divisions within the ruling party. What would come out of the alliance between Nyamwasa and Ingabire's party and how government in Kigali would react to it could expose weakness among a section of political elites close to Kagame.

-- The fate of Nkunda. Nkunda's arrest heralded a new era in relations between Rwanda and Congo.

But what happens to Nkunda could still influence relations. Congo wants him extradited for war crimes, but Rwanda says it should be done in a way that it avoids "conflict of law". If Nkunda were to stand trial in Congo, and he confirmed the U.N. allegations of Rwandan support, it would be embarrassing for Kagame and could harm relations with Congo anew.

UGANDA PROTESTS

Rwanda will be casting an eye at neighbouring Uganda where protests against high prices and the brutal arrest of the country's main opposition leader Kizza Besigye threaten to escalate after the deaths of at least seven people.

Land-locked Rwanda depends on its neighbours for the safe passage of its petrol, diesel and heavy oil which must be transported by truck from ports in Kenya and Tanzania.

What to watch:

-- If the violence spreads beyond the capital Kampala it risks choking key transport links, isolating Rwanda. (Editing by Richard Lough)

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Kagame former supporters and friends prefer exile - KagamÃ© lÃ¢chÃ© par les siens

2011-11-09T10:02:00.001Z

http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xlx7wh_european-security-com-kagame-former-supporters-and-friends-prefer-exile-kagame-lache-par-les-siens_news#rel-page-2

Kagame criminally alters USA-Rwanda Treaty Document

2011-11-09T10:02:00.000Z

Kagame criminally alters USA-Rwanda Treaty Document

(http://www.africandictator.org/?p=4864)

October 6, 2011 | Filed under: Features | Posted by: Herman

Kayonga, an AD contributor, discovered this blog post (by Ann Garrison) which points out that the Rwandan dictator and his Newspaper's criminally altered a United States Government's document – i.e., US-Rwanda Bilateral Investment Treaty.

If there was any lingering doubt, this proves once again how the Kagame regime is morally bankrupt and a pathological manipulator.

The article titled "RWANDA'S OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER MISQUOTES THE U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT" goes as follows:

I can't believe that a government, and its newspaper, that were really confident of itself and its history would feel the need to misquote a U.S. State Department document, as Rwanda's The New Times, "Government Supporting Daily" has here:

Rwanda: Gov't Welcomes U.S. Investment Pact, 10.03.2011http://allafrica.com/stories/ 201110030006.html:

"This treaty demonstrates Rwanda's commitment to the economic reforms that will help enable sustainable economic development and opportunity. Since the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda has made remarkable progress in implementing economic reforms that have helped rebuild the Rwandan economy and society."

[Now compare] with State Dept. Doc: United States Senate Approves U.S. – Rwanda Bilateral Investment Treaty, 09.27.2011http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ ps/2011/09/174101.htm:

"This treaty demonstrates Rwanda's commitment to the economic reforms that will help enable sustainable economic development and opportunity. Since the 1994 genocide, Rwanda has made remarkable progress in implementing economic reforms that have helped rebuild the Rwandan economy and society."

———–

And don't imagine for one moment that New Times is an independent entity responsible for such forgery. This is a Kagame paper through and through, controlled strictly by the Presidency at Urugwiro village. Every article and every photograph has to please Kagame – this is the task of the entire communications department answerable to the Chief of Staff and the dictator himself. Further, Alfred Ndahiro in the Presidency is a member of New Times Board. The only factor that is unclear at present is the role of the fired spy chief Emmanuel Ndahiro that used to be the Chairman of the Board of New Times.

Ann Garrison's words need to be repeated once again. How can a government, and its newspaper, that "were really confident of itself and its history" feel the need to manipulate a document of a supportive government – in this case the United States government? How can a sane government add words to a legal document?

Paul Kagame, you owe the American people and the United States government an apology. For the Rwandan people, if only we knew how to get rid of you peaceful, you would be history by now. Kagame, you are a disgrace, and an embarrassment to Rwanda and Africa at large. You should hang your head in shame.

AD would like to thank struggle partner's like Ann Garrisson for her eagle eye at catching out the dictator Kagame. Source: http://www.anngarrison.com/content/rwandas-official-newspaper-misquotes-the-us-state-department

Mr & Mrs Dictator Kagame, You are a Burden and Embarrassment (africandictator.org)
Kagame: Rwandan Sani Abacha (africandictator.org)
Unwelcome the Rwandan Butcher Kagame in France (africandictator.org)
French Minister in temporary Exile over Butcher Kagame (africandictator.org)
Kagame Recycles Sycophant Inyumba (africandictator.org)

Shortlink:

BBC News: Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'

2011-10-05T08:24:00.000+01:00

Subject: *DHR* BBC News: Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15165641

Rwandan President Kagame 'sparked 1994 genocide'

Paul Kagame has always insisted extremist Hutus shot down the plane carrying Juvenal Habyarimana

Continue reading the main story

Rwanda: Haunted Nation

A former ally of Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused him of complicity in the death of a former president which sparked the 1994 genocide.

Theogene Rudasingwa said he heard Mr Kagame boast in 1994 that he ordered the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana.

"By committing that kind of crime Kagame has the responsibility in the crime of genocide," he told the BBC.

President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in the attack.

Mr Rudasingwa, who lives in the US, has fallen out with Mr Kagame in recent years and was sentenced in absentia in March to a 24-year jail term for threatening state security and propagating ethnic divisions.

'Ridiculous'

Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus died in the genocide which began on the evening of 6 April 1994, after Mr Habyarimana and Burundi's leader died in the plane crash.

Hutu militias then began a campaign of orchestrated killing against Tutsis.

Continue reading the main story

"Start Quote

He has fully understood that an action like that one might trigger consequences"

End Quote Theogene Rudasingwa Former RPF secretary general

One hundred days later, the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriot Front rebel movement, led by Mr Kagame, captured Rwanda's capital, Kigali, prompting thousands of Hutus, including some of the killers, to flee into Democratic Republic of Congo.

In 2006, a French judge accused Mr Kagame and his allies of killing Mr Habyarimana - an allegation he dismissed as "ridiculous", insisting that extremist Hutus shot down the plane and blamed the RPF to provide a pretext for carrying out the premeditated slaughter.

But Mr Rudasingwa, the RPF's secretary general and a major at the time of the genocide, said in a statement released over the weekend on his Facebook page that despite public denials Mr Kagame was responsible.

He said the RPF leader was aware at the time of the implications of downing the plane.

"He has fully understood that an action like that one might trigger consequences which, as we know, in our country and the Great Lakes region actually produced that crime of genocide," Mr Rudasingwa told the BBC's Great Lakes Service.

'Lied for too long'

Mr Rudasingwa said he regretted that afterwards as Rwandan ambassador to the US he had promoted Mr Kagame's version of events.

"It is regrettable that I should have been one of the people who was instrumental in explaining and selling this version of the story about the killing of President Habyarimana, the president of Burundi and all the people who perished with them," he said.

Mr Rudasingwa, with other former RPF members, last year founded the Rwanda National Council, an organisation launched in exile in opposition to President Kagame's government.

He said he had waited a long time before deciding to talk about what really happened.

"I think the most important thing is that finally I have come out with the truth," he said.

"As to how long it has taken, it is two decades ago, but I think right now let's focus on seeing how this is the truth. But, yes, I've lied for too long."

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Key political risks to watch in Rwanda

2011-10-04T04:43:00.000+01:00

By Graham Holliday

Reuters
Mon Oct 3, 2011

KIGALI Oct 3 (Reuters) - It is just over a year since President Paul Kagame's landslide election win and observers cite the continuing lack of political space as a key issue to be addressed before the incumbent's final term ends in 2017.

Former chief of staff Kayumba Nyamwasa and a former chief of military intelligence, Patrick Karegyeya, who were sentenced to 20 years in jail in absentia by a military court formed the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) opposition party in December.

The trial of opposition politician Victoire Ingabire, leader of the unregistered FDU-Inkingi party, resumed on Sept. 7, 2011. She faces charges including denying the genocide, divisionism and working with a terrorist group.

The FDU-Inkingi party and the RNC formed a coalition at the beginning of 2011 and held a congress meeting in Washington in last month.

The 2011 Political Risk Map published by Oxford University and Aon in January lowered Rwanda's risk level from "High Risk" to "Medium-High Risk".

POLITICAL OPPONENTS

Kagame's election win underlined his domination of the political arena. He has been praised for restoring stability after the 1994 genocide and engineering Rwanda's rapid economic recovery and its vision to be a middle-income country by 2020.

But critics accuse Kagame of being authoritarian and of trampling on media and political freedoms.

What to watch:

-- Trial of Ingabire. The case remains a major test of the independence of Rwanda's judiciary. Her trial was adjourned until Oct. 4.

Her British lawyer says the laws under which she is being tried were not enacted at the time the crimes were alleged to have been committed, or lie outside the court's jurisdiction.

Ingabire denies funding FDLR (Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda) rebels and says her detention is politically motivated.

Eric Nshimiyimana, a supporter of FDU-Inkingi, was shot in Kigali in early September. Police said Nshimiyimana was shot while resisting a search on suspicion of having a weapon.

The FDU-Inkingi party dispute the police version of events. Nshimiyimana is recovering in hospital.
-- Theogene Rudasingwa, former Chief of Staff to President Paul Kagame, a former Ambassador to the United States and a founding member of the RNC released a statement on Facebook on Oct. 1.

He claims President Paul Kagame "was personally responsible" for the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994, which sparked the beginning of the genocide.

A French judge claimed in 2006 that Kagame's forces were responsible for shooting down the plane. A French inquiry into the crash has yet to give its verdict.

-- Trial of Laurent Nkunda. The former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a rebel force that repeatedly routed Democratic Republic of Congo's army, has been held under house arrest in Rwanda since January 2009.

Rwanda say they are reluctant to extradite Nkunda to Congo as the death penalty is still in force in Kinshasa. Rwandan law precludes the extradition of persons under arrest to states that have the death penalty.

His trial has been postponed four times since the case was passed to the military courts in April 2010.

-- The media. A bill to amend the 2009 media law -- emphasizing self-regulation and creation of an independent overseer -- is set to go to Parliament in November. A draft law on Access to Information is also expected to be enacted in the near future. It will be the first of its kind in Rwanda.

Some observers see the draft media law as a positive move, but remain concerned the changes will remain on paper alone due to a lack of capacity within the media.

Two newspapers that were banned in 2010 for six months failed to return to the streets of Rwanda.

The editors of Umuseso and Umuvugizi now reside in exile and publish online. The websites of both are inaccessible from within Rwanda.

The editor of Umurabyo, Agnes Nkusi, was sentenced to 17 years for divisionism in February. Umurabyo reporter Saidath Mukakibibi received a 7 year sentence.

POLITICAL RIFTS

Kagame's war on graft, which has led to Rwanda being ranked the least corrupt nation in east Africa, has seen former political associates locked up.

Rwandan officials are required to declare wealth by June 30 every year, but 361 government officials did not meet the deadline in 2011.

Investment. Diplomatic sources say there is division within the government about how to go about increasing foreign direct investment.

What to watch:

-- Any signs of deepening rifts within the military. Some observers say Nyamwasa's moves could expose further divisions within the ruling party.

What might come out of the alliance between Nyamwasa and Ingabire's party, and how the government reacts to it, could expose weakness among a section of political elites close to Kagame.

However, diplomatic sources say they do not see the coalition as a serious political or military threat to the RPF.

-- The fate of Nkunda. Nkunda's arrest heralded a new era in relations between Rwanda and Congo.

But what happens to Nkunda could still influence relations. Congo wants him extradited for war crimes, but Rwanda says it should be done in a way that it avoids "conflict of law".

Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said there was a political dimension to the case and that extradition was difficult and it could cause instability if not handled carefully.

Rwanda Dissident Colonel Spills Kagame Secrets

2011-10-02T21:07:00.000+01:00

Col. Patrick Karegyeya

By Arinaitwe Rugyendo

Red Pepper

2 October, 2011

Col. Patrick Karegyeya is a former top spy for the Rwandan government who fell out with the leadership and fled into exile in South Africa. From South Africa, he called Red Pepper on Wednesday following the attempt on his exiled colleague, former Rwandan Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa’s life in Johannesburg South Africa by unknown assassins to explain their differences with the Rwandan government. RED PEPPER’S Arinaitwe Rugyendo interviewed him.

Rugyendo: What really is your problem with President Kagame?

Karegyeya: I have no personal problem with President Kagame. Our differences are premised on matters of principle over national issues mostly with regard to governance and human rights.

Rugyendo: What issues are those?

Karegyeya:

Despotism – The struggle to liberate Rwanda was premised on the establishment of democracy. This has not happened in the past 17 years of Kagame’s rule. We were all required then to participate and praise the rigging of elections where Kagame allots himself 95% in the Presidential Elections in 2003 and 94% in 2010. Some of us then wondered whether there was any difference between him and President Habyalimana (ex-Rwandan President), yet during the struggle we vehemently criticized the rigging of elections by his government.

Rugyendo: But some people have argued that this demonstrates Kagame’s popularity.

Karegyeya: Well, even supporters of President Hosni Mubarak, President Ben Ali and President Muammar Gaddafi were saying the same a month before their ouster. When you look at the sacrifices and anger during the revolutions in those countries, it is a wake-up call on how despotism can be deceitful to those looking at it from outside. It is only a despotic leader who can register 90+ in general elections.

Rugyendo: Unlike those countries, Rwanda boasts of an efficient state- one of the best in Africa.

Karegyeya: Any country that churns out refugees like Rwanda does lack the fundamental guarantees of the rule of law. President Kagame is the jury, the judge and the hang man in Rwanda. Many people have been held for long periods on his orders. Fabricated charges are designed to victimize political opponents in courts of law. Many people decide to run to exile because their cases cannot fairly be adjudicated by courts of law.

Rugyendo: Can you cite any names?

Karegyeya: Most people who were in government in the early 1990s have probably disappeared without trace, run to exile or severely marginalized in Rwanda. What happened to President Bizimungu? What about all leaders of the transitional government of 1994?

Rugyendo: But most of these cases are a result of indiscipline. What do you want the president to do?

Karegyeya: Kagame argues that his former colleagues were either nothing, useless or corrupt. But none of them owns two bombardier global express long range luxury jets, none of them sleeps in a hotel room for $20,000 a night on public expense.

Rugyendo: Patrick, any president anywhere is entitled to comfort?

Karegyeya: True, but it is nauseating listening to the most kleptocratic despots preaching zero tolerance on corruption. We are totally opposed to a leader who has appropriated public finances for his aggrandizement.

Rugyendo: But isn’t it normal for you in the opposition to acuse the rulers of Despotism?

Karegyeya: In Rwanda every one is a potential candidate to prison, exile or disappearance. The state of fear, suspicion and deafening silence is simply unbearable. Nobody loves living in a police state where citizens open their mouths only when they visit a dentist or are on their dinner tables. The killings have been extended to foreign countries -assassination attempts in South Africa are well documented, the UK MI5 warned the Rwanda government about an assassination attempt on British territory and many others.

Rugyendo: The Rwandan government has denied all this.

Karegyeya: If you were in their shoes, would you admit?

Rugyendo: I have been to Rwanda. Every citizen moves about freely.

Karegyaya: The Rwanda I know of which is Kagame’s Rwanda, the media, human rights organisations and even the church are put on the leash to preach and condone government excesses. Most of them, if not all, have been infiltrated and manned by security agents to the extent that it is absurd to call them civil societies. Unfortunately, Kagame has created the tendency and belief that Rwanda will end with Kagame. Generally my quarrel with President Kagame is about liberty and freedoms. We argue that there is a difference between Kagame and Rwanda. Rwanda and Kagame do not mean the same. His critics could be his opponents but not national enemies. Unless these distinctions are drawn, we have no other way of describing Paul Kagame other than being a despot.

Rugyendo: You one time said and I quote: ‘Dictators’ don’t step down, they are brought down,’ in reference to President Kagame. Isn’t he justified to hunt you down?

Karegyeya: Former President Mubarak is in court for killing those who called for his ouster. Everywhere in the world, opposition politicians call for the ouster of obnoxious leaders. What is wrong for us to call for the removal of a dictator in Rwanda? We have advocated for peaceful means of bringing down a dictator. He has no right to hunt us down. It is already scandalous that all those challenging his dictatorship are either dead, in exile or in prison. When he gets out of power and criticizes the regime that will replace him- would he prefer to be hunted down? My statement should not be put out of context by a violent regime which envisages change of government exclusively by violent means.

Rugyendo: But honestly, when you declare war on an elected regime, why do you expect it to treat you with flowers?

Karegyeya: We are not asking for friendship with Paul Kagame. We are demanding for our rights not flowers. We did not declare war. There was no war in Egypt or Tunisia. The oppressed people called for the removal of the regime and it happened. Why should it be different for us. The issue of elected regime in a dictatorship is subjective. Both Ben Ali and Mubarak were ‘ elected’ leaders and so is Paul Kagame. We are conscious that most regimes that came to power through the barrel of the gun including the regime in Kigali are neither democratic nor sustainable. Another war in Rwanda would be unfortunate and costly but a revolution like what was experienced in North Africa is long over due. We belong to the Rwanda National Congress and we articulated our programs and objectives. War is none of our options.

Rugyendo: You were jailed twice over indiscipline, desertion and insubordination, stripped of your rank and now you face over 20 years in jail. What do you make of that?

Karegyeya: It shows the extremes of dictatorship and insensitivity. What you do not know is that all our properties were also confiscated as if we do not have families. Kagame is the jury, the judge and hang man who uses excesses to satisfy his temperament. The purpose of collective punishment is to threaten the population into submission and completely terrorize opposition. All dictators have done the same from Idi Amin to Saddam Hussein. Where else except in Kagame’s Rwanda that a President can relentlessly hunt down people even in exile? What crime did our families commit? Would he like similar treatment when he is out of power?

Rugyendo: But as the country’s former top spy, you were part of the mess that you are fighting.

Karegyeya: Well I am a human being and must have made mistakes and to err is human. We admitted which ever mistakes we could have made and we advised that some of those mistakes should be rectified. That is why the fall out with Kagame and why we are being hunted. We can authoritatively point out those mistakes because we know them. If we advocate for reform even where we were involved it is because we are not averse to self criticism. We believe in collective responsibility and individual culpability. What we do not accept is the perpetuation of a police state that does not tolerate criticism and collective responsibility We are talking about personalization of institutions of the State, this is bigger and beyond the mandate of the top spy.

Rugyendo: You and the President are comrades. Are your differences so bad that you can’t reconcile?

Karegyeya: I was held incommunicado for five months, later imprisoned on fabricated charges. My case was comical because there was no single prosecution witness and yet I was sentenced to two years in imprisonment. Recently, we were sentenced in absentia to long prison terms. It is not ourselves who can answer this question – it is President Kagame who can competently answer this question because he is the one hunting us down. But judging on how he treated Late Alex Kanyarengwe, (former president) Pasteur Bizimungu, Jozeph Sebarenzi and many others, we have searched and found very few people with whom Paul Kagame has reconciled. However, we should not personalize these matters. We are talking about issues of governance. Reconciliation with individuals while holding the nation hostage is not the solution.

Rugyendo: What are Kagame’s greatest points?

Karegyeya: What we used to think were strong points were a protracted strategy to entrench himself. Ultimately, it tragically becomes a very weak point. Those who praise him will argue that Kigali is smart but how would you feel sleeping in a smart city while your fundamental human and civil rights are denied, where the justice system is totally controlled and no independent media can exist. There is more propaganda than reality and Rwandans are conditioned to praising what they do not understand or don’t believe. When you rob people of their consciousness there is little distinction between a human being and a chattel.

Rugyendo: What are his weakest points?

Karegyeya: Deceit and insensitivity. It is only an insensitive person who stays in $20,000 room per night from a poor country like Rwanda and has the courage to talk about corruption and excesses. If you go out and claim that you were elected by 93.5% in Rwanda, you need to be medically examined. If you go out and celebrate the scandal, that makes it worse.

Rugyendo: What in your view is the best way forward for a fractured society like Rwanda?

Karegyaya: We need to build institutions instead of individuals. We need to nurture a culture of tolerance and stop the justice of the victor. Leaders should think about genuine reconciliation based on truth and tolerance. We should concentrate on restorative justice instead of retribution. There is a need for serious consideration of merit instead of perpetuating clientelism. Above all, accountability should begin from the top.

Rugyendo: In light of the recent attempt on your colleague, GEN Nyamwasa, who is hunting you down and why?

Karegyeya: The South African government spokesperson said that the attempt to assassinate Gen Kayumba was instigated by a state. Surely it cannot be Nicaragua or Moldova. Some elements were recorded negotiating prices to carry out crimes. Definitely they were not going to use personal money and they clearly say where the money is coming from. Those whose voices are recorded are well known serial killers by most Rwandans.

Rugyendo: There are those who think it’s Rwandan detractors who want to discredit the regime

Karegyaya: When a leader goes to parliament and declares that if it means to use a hammer to kill a fly, he will do it, what more do you want to know? And as I said above, the killers are well recorded giving instructions and they are known.

Rugyendo: Kagame accuses you of terrorism and of masterminding grenade attacks in Kigali. He probably knows you better!

Karegyeya: Kagame accuses all his critics of terrorist acts. Maybe that is the only method of resistance familiar to him. We are not thugs nor are we senseless people. What has a market vendor got to do with all this? It is Kagame who wanted to terrorize people in submission before the elections. Why is it that the grenade attacks stopped after the elections? One time those used to throw the grenades will confess who directed them to do it.

Rugyendo: Is it helpful to fight a regime in the comfort zones of South Africa? Why don’t you return home and freely contest for leadership using civil means?

Karegyaya: Ask Pasteur Bizimungu, Charles Ntakirutinka, Bernard Ntaganda , Victoire Ingabire and Deo Mushayidi what it means to criticize a dictatorial regime in Rwanda.

Rugyendo: There are reports that the reason you cannot be extradited to Rwanda is because you are protected by intelligence agencies like the CIA and MOSSAD.

Karegyaya: That is totally untrue. CIA is for Americans and MOSSAD is for Israelis and we are here in South Africa which is a sovereign state and not controlled by either country. The fact is that the charges under which we were sentenced do not meet international standards. Interpol declined to honour them and any credible country or institution would. Remember we were sentenced by a military court in absentia on the basis of what we wrote or said in the media. Any extradition would certainly mean extraditing political prisoners and no civilized people can do that.

Rugyendo: Are you safe in South Africa after the recent attempt on Gen. Nyamwasa’s life?

Karegyeya: Everyone has his own day. We know of many people who have since died in Rwanda at the hands of the state. We also know of many others who have died of natural causes. When Pinochet (former Chilean dictator) and many dictators like him were hunting down their critics, they did not envisage that their time would come. We are not going to run to the moon and we believe countries should respect the sovereignty of others.

Rugyendo: Are you associated with any armed effort against the government of Rwanda?

Karegyeya: We are not in any way associated with any armed groups and we do not intend to. There are less bloody and cost effective ways of challenging a dictatorial regime. There are more civilized ways of fighting other than launching a violent war. Human rights have taken centre stage and we believe in preservation of life. The Rwandan war was very costly and the outcome is not better than what we fought against. Nobody should take the people of Rwanda through the same motions.

Rugyendo: What are your views on the law regarding ‘genocide ideology?’

Karegyaya: Nobody should deny the Rwandan genocide. Hundreds of Tutsi were butchered simply because of their identity and nobody should deny this. At the same time, nobody should deny that lots of Hutu died at the hands of Interahamwe and RPA soldiers. Denials on either side will not in any way foster reconciliation.

Rugyendo: Who shot down the President Habyarimana plane sparking off the genocide in 1994?

Karegyeya: Investigations have been taking place. I do not want to compromise or influence any outcome. But surely as day follows night, the truth will one day come out.

Rugyendo: You were instrumental in the RPA war, did the RPA commit some acts of genocide in areas under its control during the war of liberation?

Karegyeya: Human rights abuses, certainly. Genocide, I do not think so.

Rugyendo: There are reports that French and Spanish judges who are implicating Kagame and others in the downing of the Habyarimana plane are quietly talking to you to stand witness against the president.

Karegyeya: Nobody has approached us. What we know is that the French investigators met some Rwandan officials in Burundi. Maybe for the record, I am not one of the officials under investigation. I do not think either the French or the Spanish would have interest in me.

Paul Kagame Killed former Rwandan President Habyarimana – a confession

2011-10-01T23:59:00.000+01:00

By Theogene Rudasingwa
256News.com
October 1, 2011

Also available in Kinyarwanda.

Paul Kagame Killed President Juvenal Habyarimana, President Cyprien Ntaryamira Of Burundi, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Juvenal Renzaho, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean Pierre Minaberry and Jean-Michel Perrine*.

On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and single National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.

On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number “9XR-NN”, on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ESSALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died.

The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF’s sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana’s camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement, and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations.

The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame’s culpability in this crime is also a public “secret” within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime.

The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then.

Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame’s and RPF’s false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame’s systematic and shameful game of deception.

I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference. I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long.
In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame’s legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us ree. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.

About the Author:
Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa is Former: RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame. E-mail: ngombwa@gmail.com; Washington, DC.
===
*Juvénal HABYARIMANA, Head of State of Rwanda; Cyprien NTARYAMIRA, Head of State of Burundi; Déogratias NSABIMANA, Chief of Staff of Rwandan Armed Forces (R.A.F.); Elie SAGATWA, Colonel and Chief of the Military Cabinet of the Rwandan president; Thaddée BAGARAGAZA, Major and executive officer in the ‘maison militaire’ of the Rwandan president; Juvénal RENZAHO, foreign affairs adviser to the Rwandan president; Emmanuel AKINGENEYE, personal physician to the Rwandan president; Bernard CIZA, Minister of Planning in the government of Burundi; Cyriaque SIMBIZI, Communications Minister of Burundi; and members of the French flight crew, Jacky HERAUD, pilot;. Jean-Pierre MINABERRY, co-pilot; and , Jean-Michel PERRINE, flight engineer.
===

Related articles

Fw: DHR HRW: Time for a review of UK policy on Rwanda

2011-09-04T14:49:00.000+01:00

Human Rights Watch: Time for a review of UK policy on Rwanda

August 1, 2011

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A few weeks ago, a British journalist called me to discuss the human rights situation in Rwanda. We began by talking about the 2010 elections, in which President Paul Kagame was re-elected with 93% of the vote after three opposition parties had been excluded from the race; one opposition leader had been imprisoned; another opposition party member and an independent journalist were murdered; and a prominent government opponent narrowly escaped assassination in exile. After a few minutes, the journalist interrupted me and asked, in a puzzled tone: "Why does our government continue supporting Kagame? What is so special about Rwanda?"

By Carina Tertsakian, 29 July 2011

There is something special about Rwanda: the genocide of 1994, which saw more than half a million people wiped out in three months in a killing campaign orchestrated by Hutu extremists against the Tutsi minority. Seventeen years have passed since the genocide. In many respects, Rwanda has got back on its feet remarkably quickly. The country has made considerable progress against certain development indicators – increased access to health and education services, for example. But there has been much less progress in other areas, in particular political rights, freedom of the press and the rule of law.

At the international level, Western governments are still struggling to come to terms with their collective guilt at failing to stop the genocide. It is hard to know what, if anything, they could do to usefully make up for their shocking inaction in 1994. But turning a blind eye to serious human rights abuses in present-day Rwanda, as well as massacres committed by Rwandan troops in neighbouring Congo – all the while pouring millions of dollars into the Rwandan government budget – is wrong in principle and damaging in practice.

The UK, despite the absence of historical ties to Rwanda, has been first in line. It remains the largest bilateral aid donor to Rwanda, and one of its strongest political supporters. It contributed over £380 million in aid between 1998 and 2008, and has announced an increase in annual spending from around £70 million in 2010-11 to an anticipated £90 million in 2014-15. Rwanda has become of one of its flagship countries for development in Africa. A group of Conservative Party members, headed by Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell, are currently on their annual "Project Umubano" visit to Rwanda. But while they proudly assist in community projects in front of the television cameras, Rwandan journalists and opposition party members languish in prison for daring to criticise the government.

The UK's attitude towards Rwanda's human rights record is based on an artificial and short-sighted analysis. Despite an outward appearance of calm, Rwanda is a fragile country ruled by fear. The deep mistrust resulting from the genocide has been exacerbated by a government which does not tolerate criticism and keeps a close watch on all its citizens – Tutsi as well as Hutu – to ensure that no one is stepping out of line. Rwanda may score highly in terms of some development targets, but can its people really flourish in an environment in which they risk arrest, prolonged detention or, in the worst case scenario, death, simply for speaking their minds? If the UK is genuinely committed to inclusive development in Rwanda, it should use its influence to press for political openness and freedom of speech, and recognise that greater respect for human rights will enhance rather than threaten its development gains.

The gravity of the situation in Rwanda may have finally hit home with British policy-makers in May when two Rwandan nationals living in the UK were warned by the police of credible threats to their security. This, if nothing else, should surely trigger a serious and honest review of UK policy towards Rwanda.

Human Rights Watch has long been calling for such a policy review. In this context we provided evidence to the International Development Committee for its inquiry into the UK Department for International Development (DFID)'s work on the Great Lakes region. Human Rights Watch is not calling for DFID to halt aid to Rwanda, but to attach a much higher priority to human rights – a message in line with DFID's commitments, at least on paper.

In 2006, the UK and Rwanda signed a ten year memorandum of understanding, which includes explicit commitments on human rights. Yet the UK has remained conspicuously silent when Rwanda has breached these commitments. Similarly, DFID's operational plan for 2011-2015 talks of dialogue to help open political space and of "the UK's ability candidly to raise and resolve issues of concern with the [Rwandan] government". But until its programmes reflect these priorities, these words will be little more than lip-service. Even while using the language of human rights, DFID's operational plan appears to be making excuses for abuses: "The constraints on rights and freedoms are to some degree explained by Rwanda's post-genocide context," it states. This does not bode well for DFID's resolve to uphold its own commitments towards promoting human rights.

As they weigh up the evidence before them, the members of the International Development Committee may find themselves pondering the same question as the journalist: "Why does our government continue to support this regime so uncritically?" By confronting ministers with the human rights realities in Rwanda, the committee could help trigger that much-needed policy review. The committee could also encourage the UK government to support independent civil society organisations and human rights defenders in Rwanda, many of whom have been ground down by years of threats and intimidation. The re-emergence of a strong, independent domestic human rights movement could be a critical stepping stone towards inclusive development, peace and genuine democracy in Rwanda.

Carina Tertsakian is a Senior Researcher in the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch.

Human Rights Watch's evidence to the International Development Committee can be found at

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/06/23/submission-uk-international-development-committee-idc

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Fw: DHR Canada: Stop Training Militia Members for Rwanda

2011-09-04T14:48:00.000+01:00

Canada: Stop Training Militia Members for Rwanda

(http://www.salem-news.com/articles/august022011/rwanda-rfp-tr.php)

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa for Salem-News.com

The Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) has re-established a one-party, authoritarian system of government that is even more repressive than the government that was in power prior to the genocide.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa

(KIGALI, Rwanda) - RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS

The Right Honorable Stephen Harper
Prime Minister of Canada
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, ON K1A OA2
Canada

VERY URGENT

2nd August, 2011
Dear Rt. Hon. Harper,

Re: PETITION FOR THE PREVENTION, SUPPRESSION AND PUNISHMENT OF CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES OF MILITIA GROUPS IN THE SERVICE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF RWANDA ON CANADIAN TERRITORY

We, the members of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), hereby petition the Government of Canada and the Council of Gatineau City to cancel a program of the Government of Rwanda to recruit Canadian citizens and Rwandans living in Canada into a Rwandan militia group and provide indoctrination and military training to the group in Gatineau city. The training of the 'Intore' militia is scheduled to take place from August 4th to August 8th, 2011.
In the early 1990s, elements of the Government and party that were in power at the time established, trained and armed militia groups, known as Interahamwe and Impuzamigambi, to help them resist and frustrate popular demand for democratic reform. Members of these militia groups, comprising mainly the youth, were indoctrinated to violently defend the agenda of the dictatorial regime that was in power at that time, by harassing, hunting down and killing government critics, especially members of opposition political parties.

The Interahamwe and Impuzamigambi militia degenerated into murderous gangs that became very instrumental in carrying out the genocide against the Tutsi and crimes against humanity and other gross human rights violations against opponents of the regime. Political leaders who were opposed to democratic reform used these militia groups to carry out atrocities in which hundreds of thousands of innocent Rwandan men, women and children perished.

The Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), the rebel group that took over government after the genocide, has failed to lead the country to democracy. Instead, the organization has re-established a one-party, authoritarian system of government that is even more repressive than the government that was in power prior to the genocide. The Government that rules Rwanda today has no legitimacy in reality and in the perception of the people of Rwanda.

The RPF Government of Rwanda maintains its hold onto power through acts of repression, including arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, enforced disappearances and extra-judicial killings of critics and opponents of the regimes. Persons who have been targeted by these acts of persecution include political leaders, journalists, human rights defenders, and civil society activists. These acts of politically motivated persecution and violence have been committed in and outside Rwanda, and especially in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and have been documented throughout the years by all major international human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, and the United Nations Human Rights Commission, to name but a few.

Over the past several years, the current Government of Rwanda and President Kagame have established, indoctrinated, provided military training to, and created and armed two new militia groups, known as the Local Defence Forces and Intore. Members of the Intore militia in particular include recruits living in foreign countries, including Canada. The modus operandi of these new militia groups is similar to that of the Interahamwe and Impuzamigambi militia of the early 1990s. The Local Defence Forces and Intore receive both ideological and military training to prepare them for the tasks of suppressing legitimate exercise of civil and political rights by Rwandans who are not members of the RPF. The objective of Local Defence Forces and Intore is to harass and, if necessary, liquidate all political opposition to the regime, including critics of the government living in foreign countries such as Canada.
President Paul Kagame regularly and personally attends part of the training and the passing out parade for the Local Defence Forces and Intore.
The Intore militia training in Canada is scheduled to be conducted in Gatineau, Quebec from 4th-8th August, 2011. The objective for the establishment of a Canada branch of the Intore militia is to persecute Rwandans living in Canada and the United States of America who are critical of President Paul Kagame. It is also likely that some of the members of the Intore militia trained at the Canadian camp may in future be deployed in Rwanda where they are likely to be involved in torture and extra-judicial killings of political opponents of the Government of Rwanda and to commit war crimes, war against humanity and other offences against innocent civilians in Rwanda.

We are apprehensive that some of the militia members who participate in the training in question will be used to intimidate and possibly harm the lives of critics of the Rwandan government living in Canada and the United States. We consider it extremely regrettable that the Government of Rwanda should be permitted to organize indoctrination and military programs of militia groups which are instruments of repression and the suppression of the fundamental and inalienable human rights of the people of Rwanda. We are appalled in particular that youth who are Canadian citizens should be exposed to indoctrination that preaches intolerance of the political views of other citizens and incitement to participate in criminal activities against opponents of the Rwandan government of the day.

In view of these worrying developments, we wish to draw to your urgent attention, and to the attention of the Canadian government and public, the following facts:

1. President Paul Kagame is a notorious war criminal who has caused horrendous loss of innocent lives in both Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
2. President Kagame is a dictator who has suppressed the Rwandan people's aspirations for freedom by outlawing opposition political parties, closing independent media outlets, restricting the freedom of civil society organizations to hold government accountable and torturing, imprisoning and sometimes killing government critics.
3. It is against the values of Canada that a dictatorial regime which denies its people of fundamental freedoms should be allowed to indoctrinate hatred and intolerance among Canadian youth.
4. It is a flagrant and intolerable violation of the laws of Canada for the Government of Rwanda to recruit and train, on Canadian territory, Canadian and Rwandan youth into a criminal militia entity that is an instrument of political repression and is likely to be used to commit grave human rights abuse inside Rwanda and in foreign countries, including Canada.
5. The Canadian government will in future be held accountable for the violations of international human rights laws and international humanitarian laws that may be committed by such unofficial militia of the Government of Rwanda whose development the government of Canada is facilitating indirectly by allowing such training to take place on Canadian territory. Members of the opposition movement, especially its leaders who now languish in prison in Rwanda on account of their political views and many Rwandans who aspire for political freedom do not countenance how the Canadian Government would condone and allow such actions of the dictatorial regime of President Paul Kagame.
6. It is most regrettable that the city of Gatineau will host the activities to support a murderous leader who has committed heinous acts of human rights violations at home and in neighboring countries.
In view of the foregoing, we call upon the city of Gatineau, the province of Quebec and the Canadian Government to:
(1) Cancel the training of Intore militia that is scheduled to be conducted at Gatineau, Quebec,from 4th to 8th August, 2011;
(2) Monitor the criminal activities of Rwandan diplomatic and under-cover personnel in charge of organizing the training of the above-mentioned militia;
(3) Prosecute agents of the Rwandan Government known or found to be planning criminal or terrorist activities against Rwandan and Canadian citizens on Canadian territory;
(4) Warn the Government of Rwanda to stop all criminal activities which endanger the lives of Rwandans and Canadian citizens of Rwandese ancestry living in Canada whom the Government of Rwanda is persecuting because they are critical of the Rwanda's government;
(5) Demand an end to persecution (including arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, involuntary disappearances and extra-judicial killings) of government opponents and critics and their relatives;
(6) Condition the provision of the development assistance that Canada extends to the Rwandan government on political reforms, including opening up political space for political participation and allowing opposition parties and civil society to function freely;
(7) Ensure that the financial aid that Canada provides to Rwanda does not fund operations of entities and individuals serving the Government of the Rwandan state that are involved in terrorist or criminal activities or activities that violate fundamental human rights; and,
(8) Advise the Government of Rwanda to agree to a comprehensive dialogue with the opposition on ways for resolving the political impasse engulfing Rwanda.

Rwanda's tragedy of 1994 left so many in the international community, including Canada, with a sense of guilt that they wish they had known and done better to prevent or stop the carnage that engulfed Rwanda, leaving more than a million of its citizens dead. Unfortunately, Rwanda's tragedy continues unabated. It is the expectation of the majority of Rwandans that Canada will support all Rwandans to build a free, united, democratic, stable and prosperous Rwanda that will begin to reconcile and heal at last. If Canada is unable to provide help to respond to the plight of ordinary Rwandans, at least it should do no harm. As the English sayings go: "a stitch in time saves nine", and "forewarned is forearmed".

Please accept, the Right Honorable Prime Minister, the assurances of our highest consideration.

Sincerely,

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
Co-ordinator
Rwanda National Congress (RNC)

Contact:

E-mail: ngombwa@gmail.com

Copy:
1. Hon. Mayor Marc Bureau, City of Gatineau
2. Hon. William J.S.Elliot, Commissioner, Royal Canadian Mounted Police
3. Hon. John Baird, Minister of Foreign Affairs

_________________________________

Submitted by: Jennifer Fierberg, MSW; a correspondent, Assistant Editor, and Volunteer Coordinator for NGO News Africa through the volunteer project of the UN. Jennifer is also the media co-coordinator and senior funding executive for The Africa Global Village (www.africaglobalvillage.com)

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Britain and EU increase aid to Ethiopia while ignoring human rights warnings

2011-09-04T14:47:00.000+01:00

Britain and EU increase aid to Ethiopia while ignoring human rights warnings

Britain and the EU have increased aid to Ethiopia while ignoring repeated diplomatic warnings of human rights abuse and concerns that Western funding is being used as a tool of repression by the country's regime.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/ethiopia/8681975/Britain-and-EU-increase-aid-to-Ethiopia-while-ignoring-human-rights-warnings.html

Britain and EU increase aid to Ethiopia while ignoring human rights warnings

Britain and the EU have increased aid to Ethiopia while ignoring repeated diplomatic warnings of human rights abuse and concerns that Western funding is being used as a tool of repression by the country's regime.

By Bruno Waterfield, Brussels

10:30PM BST 04 Aug 2011

An investigation by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and BBC Newsnight has found that as Ethiopia is hit by drought and famine, communities are being denied basic food, seed and fertiliser for failing to support Meles Zenawi, the country's authoritarian leader.

Senior Brussels officials ignored 61 email warnings from its EU ambassador in Ethiopia about human rights abuses, evidence that European governments, including Britain, were prepared to turn a blind eye to repression in order to woo a key African ally.

The Bureau of Investigative Journalism investigation has also gathered evidence of continuing ethnic cleansing, mass detentions, the widespread use of torture and extra-judicial killings by Ethiopian government forces.

The Daily Telegraph understands that last summer the EU failed to condemn crack downs on opposition politicians and journalists in return for Ethiopian support in critical climate change negotiations in December 2009.

Ethiopia receives £1.8 billion in development aid every year, with Britain the second largest donor after the US.

This year the UK will hand out £290 million, not including the £48m in emergency aid announced last month, a 24-fold increase over the past decade. The EU provided a further £152m last year.

Leaked emails reveal that both the EU and Britain failed to act on confidential daily diplomatic telegrams from Timothy Clarke, the EU's former ambassador in Ethiopia.

The emails were sent over three months in the days after elections in 2005 and express increasing concern about reports of murders and arrests of thousands of civilians by government forces.

"Basic human rights abuses are being committed by the government on a daily basis - the EU must respond firmly and resolutely," he wrote on June 12 2005.

Despite the warnings, Brussels commended Ethiopian conduct of the elections a pattern that was mirrored in 2010 when the EU welcomed as "an important moment in the democratic process" a result that saw Zenawi's regime won 99.6 per cent of the vote amid reports of widespread human rights abuses.

Ana Gomes, a Portuguese MEP who was the chief election observer for the EU during the 2005 Ethiopian elections, has accused European officials of "watering down all the most difficult passages" which detailed repression.

"There is this industry of aid not only in the European Commission but in the different member countries, namely those who are the biggest aid donors to Ethiopia, like Britain, like Germany who want the business to continue as usual because they have their own interests at stake," she said.

A spokesman for the EU diplomatic service said: "Protection of human rights is a priority for the EU and it features prominently in our dialogue with all external partners. This also applies to the EU dialogue with Ethiopia, where we raise human rights issues regularly."

Rwandans don’t need to claim genocide or else to feel or honour their losses

2011-09-04T14:46:00.000+01:00

Rwandans don't need to claim genocide or else to feel or honour their losses

Christopher Black, Lead Counsel, General Ndindiliyimana

Source: Posted on July 27, 2011 by therisingcontinent

Discussions on how to call atrocities committed in Rwanda since October 1^st, 1990 and in the whole Great Lakes region of Africa since 1996, this until today, appear ongoing. They may not even have an end at any time. As evidence, even survivors of the holocaust continue reminding the world that what happened to the Jews in Hitler's Germany was genocide. It is their right to do so.

However, motives of those who fight nails and toes out to claim that mentioned atrocities were genocide or else seem often not genuine or disinterested. They come out as defending a brand name instead of a humanitarian cause. I lost lots of my family, friends and neighbours in the Rwandan atrocities. The Rwandan government even denies thousands of survivors the right to be called survivors, only because they are Hutus. Yet Tutsi survivors seem to have become magnets to attract external aid and enrich the Tutsi ruling elite. Those still alive among the two ethnic groups who have been marginalised are imprisoned or treated as citizens of second class. (Read more...)

"Les grands ne sont grands que parce que nous sommes à genoux: levons-nous" ( Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud)

Eugène Shimamungu
Blog: http://editions-sources-du-nil.over-blog.com/
Site: http://www.editions-sources-du-nil.fr/

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UK-Monster behind genocide and rape squads - By Ian Birrell

2011-07-27T15:47:00.000+01:00

Who is Andrew Mitchell?

UK Foreign aid, Rwanda, Andrew Mitchell and David Cameron.

Andrew Mitchell is the UK Secretary of State for International Development who has no experience in international development and economic development. This man knows Rwanda only. Every year he takes his summer holiday in Rwanda. In November 2008, Andrew Mitchell said on BBC that there were no Hutu refugees massacres in Congo Democratic Republic. Andrew Mitchell said that refugees were killed by hunger and diseases while they were Congo Democratic Republic. This is a man who has no empathy toward the poor, the weak and the disadvantaged. This means that Andrew Mitchell dismisses the UN Mapping Report findings about human rights abuses, genocide and massacres of refugees who fleeing Kagame.

David Cameron and Andrew Mitchell know that Britain's influence is diminishing around the world. They only option that they have to keep some British influence is foreign aid. Their foreign aid has becomes the tool for advancing British influence and interests around the world. PM David Cameron has consistently said that British Foreign aid helps Britain to advance British interests.

In Rwanda, British foreign aid is for bribing Kagame to continue to help Britain in promoting British linguistic interests in African Great Lakes Region.

So, Is UK foreign for helping the poor in developing countries or for advancing British interests in these countries?

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Sent: Wednesday, 27 July 2011, 13:04
Subject: *DHR* UK-Monster behind genocide and rape squads - By Ian Birrell

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-2019187/Monster-genocide-rape-squads.html
Monster behind genocide and rape squads
By Ian Birrell
Last updated at 2:17 AM on 27th July 2011
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Kagame has created what one observer calls a well-managed ethnic, social and economic dictatorship
Women and children – desperately sick and weak after months on the run – were finally caught by Rwandan army commander Papy Kamanzi.
He told them he would give them food and then send them home.
But he now admits he was lying and says: 'We took them instead into the forest and killed them with a small hatchet.'
Kamanzi despatched scores with a blow to the back of the skull. As the bloodbath went on, his soldiers' methods became cruder. 'We could kill more than 100 a day,' he said.
'We used ropes – it was the fastest way and we didn't spill blood. Two of us would place a guy on the ground, wrap a rope around his neck once, then pull hard.
'The victim's windpipe would break and they would be strangled silently to death.'
The reason this young commander in an elite unit and father of two young children carried out these horrific massacres of Congolese is simple.
In a chilling refrain, so familiar from the darkest deeds in history, he says: 'We were ordered to do it.'
Kamanzi's story should be heard by all Western apologists for the suspected architect of these atrocities, Rwanda's brutal autocratic ruler, President Kagame.
This includes Britain's International Development Secretary, Andrew Mitchell.
For while world leaders and the aid lobby fawn over Kagame the reality of his repressive regime is becoming clearer by the day.
Enlarge
Handshake: Andrew Mitchell and Paul Kagame at a previous meeting
This is a man who launched a war with neighbouring Congo in 1996 which led to more than five million deaths and tore Congo apart – and has used British taxpayers' money to silence his critics.
Papy Kamanzi's death squad was operating in the Congolese jungle, where it was guilty of acts of genocide.
His story is told in Dancing In The Glory Of Monsters, a brilliant new book about the collapse of the Congo by an American author who has spent ten years in the country.
A United Nations investigation found Kagame's army and its allies killed tens of thousands of innocent refugees.
This is a terrible indictment of the Rwandan president who came to power by ending his own country's bloody civil war in 1994 between the Hutus and Tutsis.
Following the slaughter of a staggering one million mainly Tutsi civilians in less than a year, Kagame led the army which overthrew the Hutu militias responsible for the genocide and seized power.
At the time he was seen as a liberator. Ever since, he has skilfully exploited international sympathy for Rwanda's tragic recent history to stifle dissent at home and win friends, influence and money abroad.
As huge amounts of foreign aid poured in, he has overseen impressive economic growth, promoted the interests of women and eradicated corruption.
This is the Rwanda that so beguiles visiting Western politicians and aid agencies – the lush land of a thousand hills, of gourmet coffee, gorilla tourism and hi-tech ambitions.
They believe this nation's 'success story' could be the answer the swelling chorus of critics who question what has been achieved for all the billions of aid money.
But this desperate desire for good news out of Africa has ensured that for too long, too many people who should know better have ignored grotesque human rights abuses. The whiff of hypocrisy hangs heavy in the air.
First and foremost on the charge sheet is Rwanda's long involvement in neighbouring Congo. It has twice invaded, fought proxy wars with brutal militias and profited from the proceeds of stolen minerals.
Mass rape was commonplace. The gruesome lexicon now includes words such as 're-rape' – for women who have been repeatedly raped – and 'auto-cannibalism' – where victims are forced to eat their own flesh.
President Kagame should no longer be able to avoid blame despite protestations that his regime was merely tracking down remnants of mass-murdering Hutu militias.
Kagame has created what one observer calls 'a well-managed ethnic, social and economic dictatorship'. People speak of a climate of fear, where the wrong words can lead to incarceration – or worse.
Last year's election was a sham, with the regime jailing political rivals and closing newspapers, using institutions shamefully funded by British aid to win with 93 per cent of the vote.
One opponent was beheaded shortly before the election.

Tony Blair :Advises the Rwandan government and uses Kagame's private jet - he sent the president a note of congratulations
Despite widespread international concern, Tony Blair – who advises the Rwandan government and uses Kagame's private jet – sent the president a note of congratulations.
As for the Tories, they invited Kagame to address their party conference four years ago after Mr Mitchell had taken a group of party volunteers to Rwanda.
Now, as international development minister, he remains among the regime's most fervent supporters.
What makes Mr Mitchell's visit so shocking is that it comes just weeks after Scotland Yard warned two Rwandan dissidents living in Britain that their lives were in danger from hit squads sent by Kagame's government.
One of those targets is Rene Mugenzi, a Liberal Democrat activist. He says the Rwandan government 'wants to kill' him and he feels betrayed because the British government both refuses to condemn the threat to his life and continues to send aid.
'Now Mr Mitchell goes out there as if nothing has happened,' he says.
Meanwhile, there have been persistent reports of murders and assassination attempts of people who have fallen out with Kagame.
Paul Rusesabagina, a heroic Rwandan hotel manager who saved 1,268 people amid the hell of genocide, is one of those who has been declared 'an enemy of the state'.
He says: 'I'll continue to speak out about the need for genuine reconciliation and real peace in our country.'
Brave words that shame Andrew Mitchell as he is the guest of a man accused of sending death squads to kill British citizens.

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-2019187/Monster-genocide-rape-squads.html#ixzz1TI1r35uf

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