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31 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] AUTHORITARIAN AFRICAN LEADERS WITH A THIN VENEER OF DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY

 

AUTHORITARIAN AFRICAN LEADERS WITH A THIN VENEER OF DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY

ANN GARRISONMAY 30,2015
Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza is seeking a third five-year term in office, despite violent street protest, and a failed coup détat. Nkurunziza was elected by Burundi's Parliament in 2005, and he now claims that the Burundian constitution allows him to run for election twice by voters enjoying "universal suffrage," and the Burundian constitutional court has upheld his claim. The US, EU, and Western media have, nevertheless, relentlessly decried Nkurunziza's decision.
 
Western powers and press fail to note that neighboring DR Congo's President, Joseph Kabila, was appointed in 2001, not elected by universal suffrage, that Kabila then ran and claimed victory in 2006 and 2011, and that many were killed in election violence both times. They also fail to note that neighboring Rwanda's President Paul Kagame was appointed in 2000, not elected by universal suffrage, and that he then ran and claimed victory in 2003 and 2010, after imprisoning or terrorizing all other viable candidates. Nkurunziza is claiming the same right that Kabila and Kagame claimed, but Western powers and press who didn't blink at their third terms have relentlessly demanded that he step down. This doesn't make Nkurunziza's decision right or wrong or politically wise or unwise. It simply puts his barrage of bad press in perspective. 
 
Why is the US demanding that Nkurunziza step down, after so graciously tolerating both Kabila and Kagame's claims to the constitutional right to be elected twice by universal suffrage?  Why has the US made no comment on Kagame's faux people's campaign to have the Rwandan Constitution amended so that he can run for a fourth term, or more likely, for life?  
 
And why hasn't Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni's announcement that he will run again in 2016, his thirtieth year in power, alarmed the West?  Museveni, the really big "big man" in the region, is already jailing anyone trying to hold a public meeting about electoral reform or boycotting next year's election. In 2011, Museveni had so much money printed to buy the election that it caused drastic inflation in Uganda and inspired the Walk-to-Work protests, during which Human Rights Watch accused security forces of "firing randomly into crowded areas and throwing tear gas at people or into houses."  

In an essay published in Global Research, Gearóid Ó Colmáin writes that Nkurunziza has fallen out of favor with the West by striking a deal with a Russian corporation to mine Burundi's nickel reserves, and that the US has engaged in a low intensity campaign to destabilize Burundi and the surrounding region. He blamed foreign funded media, especially private radio stations, for frightening the population to destabilize the country.  And, he wrote that Nkurunziza might not be the USA's choice to manage Burundians' memory of their own suffering. "The US government is acutely aware that if the people of Burundi are to know the truth about the US-backed genocide of the Hutus in Rwanda and Burundi, it could jeopardize their foreign policy objectives in the region."

John Bugnacki, writing for the webite of the American Security Project and International Policy Digest, accuses Nkurunziza of following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and Equatorial Guinea's President Teodoro Obiang, whom he calls "personalistic, authoritarian leaders with a thin veneer of democratic legitimacy. "

No mention of Rwanda's Kagame or Uganda's Museveni, Nkurunziza's immediate neighbors to the north, both longstanding US allies and "military partners."

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Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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[AfricaRealities.com] Thank you BBC for your accurate, neutral, unbiased and measured reporting in this difficult times Burundi is facing.

 

Thank you  BBC for your accurate, neutral, unbiased  and measured reporting in this difficult times Burundi is facing.
 
BBC is not encouraging violence like  RFI which seems to support the opposition in Burundi. RFI is reporting Burundi's events in the same way as they did during  the  Rwanda war which triggered massacres of both Hutus and Tutsi. RFI was  supporting one side of the war:  Kagame's mass killings and guerrilla war.
 
Burundi elections: EU withdraws poll observers
 
 

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Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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26 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Fw: [rwanda_revolution] African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

 


----- Forwarded Message -----
From: "Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [rwanda_revolution]" <rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com>
To: Sibomana Jean Bosco <Sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com>
Sent: Tuesday, 26 May 2015, 15:25
Subject: [rwanda_revolution] African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

 

African presidents' dilemma: Should I stay or should I go?

Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Paul Biya of Cameroon and Sam Nujoma of Namibia  The bottom row all behaved honourably when voted out; Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal, Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria and Armando Guebuza of Mozambique
African presidents bending the constitution to their own purposes is nothing new. Sam Nujoma amended Namibia's constitution in 1999 to allow him a third term as president – he finally ceded power in 2004. Zambia's Frederick Chiluba and Malawi's Bakili Muluzi, however, failed to achieve the same amid domestic criticism. There was also speculation that former South African President Thabo Mbeki aspired to a third term as state president with his unsuccessful bid for a third term as president of the ruling African National Congress. And in Burkina Faso in November 2014, Blaise Compaore was forced to resign after his plans to extend his 27-year rule were met with uproar.
Protesters pose with a police shield outside the parliament in Ouagadougou
Demonstrators in Burkina Faso stormed parliament in 2014 to prevent President Blaise Compaore from extending his 27-year rule (AFP/Getty)
Here is a look at some of the current African leaders who have a tricky relationship with their constitution – those who have succeeded in changing it, those who have failed, and those who are worrying likely to try.
Advertisement

Clinging on

Uganda - 2005

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni (EPA)
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda set the precedent for the current crop of rulers. Shortly after taking power in 1986 he wrote that: "the problem of Africa in general, and Uganda in particular, is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power."
In an infamous U-turn in 2005, he secured a change to the constitution allowing himself a third term. He is now, at the age of 71, serving a fourth.

Cameroon - 2008

The ruler of Cameroon is the fourth longest-serving president on the continent: only Equatorial Guinea, Angola and Zimbabwe have had to endure their leaders for more time.
Cameroon's President Paul Biya waves as he arrives for the second day of the 4th EU-Africa summit on April 3, 2014 at the EU Headquarters in Brussels.
Cameroon's President Paul Biya in Brussels in 2014 (AFP/Getty)
And although the rulers of Angola and Equatorial Guinea have introduced term limits – which, conveniently for their ageing leaders, are unlikely to affect their own rule – of the four longest-serving leaders, only Paul Biya of Cameroon has successfully overturned the constutition.
A two-term limit in the 1996 constitution should have prevented him from running again, but in 2008 he revised the constitution to eliminate presidential term limits.
Mr Biya, who came to power in 1982, is thought by most to be hoping to run again in 2018 – if the 82-year-old's health holds up.

Burundi - 2015

Pierre Nkurunziza was supposed to be the answer to Burundi's problem of decades of disastrous leadership.
A former university lecturer, he became Burundi's "Minister for Good Governance" and was elected president in 2005. His country had been wracked by civil war and unrest since independence from Belgium in 1962. In 1972 sectarian violence between Hutus and Tutsis saw up to 210,000 people killed, then in 1993 the first Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye, was assassinated - triggering the loss of a further 25,000 lives through tribal warfare.
For the next ten years peace talks continued, with the mediation of Nelson Mandela. And Mr Nkurunziza's election was supposed to cement the ceasefire, and mark a new era of calm under the 2000 Arusha peace agreement.
Initially it worked.
But in April Mr Nkurunziza said he was going to run for a third term – contravening the Arusha agreement, which specifically states that no president can be elected three times. Mr Nkurunziza's argument was that he had not been actually elected the first time – he said he was elected by parliament, so it didn't count.
Pierre Nkurunziza
May 17, 2015: Pierre Nkurunziza makes his first official appearance since the attempted coup against him (AFP/Getty)
In the ensuing violence, 300,000 people fled to neighbouring Rwanda and Tanzania, and generals attempted a coup – which quickly failed.
Elections are due on June 26, although they may well be postponed. Mr Nkurunziza is still vowing to run.

Departing with dignity

Senegal - 2012

The 2012 presidential election in Senegal was the most controversial, hotly contested and violent in Senegal's democratic history.
March 25, 2012 shows ballots in favour of incumbent Abdoulaye Wade during the counting of votes at a polling station in Dakar.
When Senegal's Abdoulaye Wade lost the election, he conceded power (AFP/Getty)
The incumbent, 85-year-old Abdoulaye Wade, proposed constitutional changes that would have ensured his success in the next elections by reducing the number of votes needed to win an election. Mr Wade brought in two-term limits, but then said that the rule did not apply to him because his first term begun before the law was passed.
Citizens took to the streets en masse to say enough is enough, with riots in the capital shocking Senegal – the only country in West Africa never to have had a coup.
Mr Wade eventually backed down and withdrew the amendment, but he continued his controversial run for a third term.
To the surprise of many, he did not rig the polls and was defeated, and conceded after a second round runoff election.

Mozambique - 2014

Prior to the October 2014 elections, Mozambique was in turmoil. The president, Armando Guebuza, remained popular, and had no obvious successor. His party, Frelimo, had ruled Mozambique since independence from Portugal in 1975 – first as a one-party state, then through elections. And as Mr Gyebuza was reaching the end of his second term in office, it was unclear what would happen next - Mozambique's constitution dictated he must step down. Many expected him to claim that "the will of the people" was forcing him to abandon term limits.
From left, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, shake hand after officially opening the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park's Giriyondo border post between South Africa and Mozambique Wednesday Aug. 16, 2006.
L-R President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa in 2006
But to the surprise of many, a successor was found in Filipe Nyusi – a relative unknown. Mr Guebuza, 72, stepped aside, and has recently declared that he will not return to politics.

Nigeria - 2015

The concession of defeat by the Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, after elections in March marked the first time in the nation's history that an incumbent leader has been ousted at the ballot box.
Nigerian president (pictured) could have been sent a DVD in which the girls asked him to do a prisoner swap to get them freed
Goodluck Jonathan
Nigeria's Constitution limits presidents to two four-year terms. Mr Jonathan ascended to the presidency in 2010 upon the death of incumbent Umaru Yar'Adua, and then won the regularly scheduled election in 2011. Legal challenges to his eligibility to run again in 2015 were overturned by the high court – which meant that he had no need to implement some of his suggestions, such as changing the constitution to allow one longer term.
In a closely-fought election, he was defeated, in a pleasant surprise, did not contest the result. He handed over to Muhammadu Buhari, in the first peaceful transition since the end of military rule in 1999.

Ones to watch

DRC - 2016
Joseph Kabila, 43, a former taxi driver, rose to power in 2001 after his father, Laurent, was assassinated.
He won a second five-year mandate at disputed elections in 2011, and is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term in 2016.
In January tentative attempts to overturn the term limit were met with riots, and international NGOs have urged Mr Kabila to commit publicly to standing down next year.
Opponents of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila demonstrate in front of the White House in Washington, DC, on February 7, 2015.
Opponents of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila demonstrate in front of the White House in Washington, DC, USA (Getty)
His vast, mineral-rich country has endured the worst conflict since the Second World War – 5.4 million people have been killed since 1998. And Mr Kabila's peaceful relinquishing of power is seen as absolutely essential in preventing another upsurge of violence, and ensuring economic development. The IMF forecasts its economy will be one of the fastest-growing in the world this year, expanding by 10.5 per cent - mainly driven by mining, which makes up 15 per cent of GDP.

Congo-Brazzaville - 2016

In April Denis Sassou N'Guesso, president of Congo-Brazzaville, announced that he too wanted to change the constitution.
In drawing up a list of assets, they were intrigued to discover that Mr Sassou-Nguesso spent 1.18 million euros between 2005 and 2011 on shirts and suits
Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso
The current law does not allow the president, one of Africa's longest serving leaders, to run for another term in next year's presidential election.
President from 1979 to 1992, he was ousted then re-elected in 1997.
"I think the current constitution can be improved, which is why we need to let the debate happen," he said.

Benin - 2016

Benin President Thomas Boni Yayi promised voters and world leaders including Barack Obama he would step down when his second term expires next year - but doubts over his pledge remain.
French President Francois Hollande (R) welcomes Benin's President Thomas Boni Yayi (C) at the Elysee Palace before attending a Unity rally Marche Republicaine on January 11, 2015 in Paris
French President Francois Hollande (R) welcomes Benin's President Thomas Boni Yayi at the Elysee Palace in January (AFP/Getty)
His plans to reform Benin's constitution - which would introduce a national electoral commission and state auditor to fight corruption and ensure democratic elections - have fed the suspicions about the president's real intentions.

Rwanda - 2017

Paul Kagame has effectively ruled Rwanda since the genocide of 1994, which saw 800,000 people massacred in 100 days. He was initially vice president, but accepted as de facto ruler; in 2000 he was elected president.
The 57-year-old has served the two seven-year terms permitted by the constitution, but has remained worryingly ambiguous about his intentions ahead of 2017 elections.
Britain accused of 'disastrous signal' over Rwanda aid
Paul Kagame has held the reins since 1994 (AFP/Getty)
"I belong to the group that doesn't support change of the constitution," he said in April. "But in a democratic society, debates are allowed and they are healthy.
"I'm open to going or not going depending on the interest and future of this country."


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Posted by: Samuel Desire <sam4des@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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25 May 2015

[AfricaRealities.com] Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey

 


Begin forwarded message:

From: "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date: May 25, 2015 at 6:14:01 PM EDT
To: <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Subject: *DHR* Rwanda:asylum seekers who left Israel describe a hopeless journey
Reply-To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr

Ilan Lior haaretz.com, May 24, 2015


Prof. Galia Sabar traveled to Rwanda and Uganda to hear about the Sudanese and Eritreans' wretched living conditions — partly courtesy of Israel. 


The villa in a well-off neighborhood in the Rwandan capital Kigali looks perfectly normal. In recent months, new residents have arrived regularly, but they remain for only a few days. The villa, discovered by Prof. Galia Sabar, is a way station for Eritrean asylum seekers who have agreed to leave Israel for Rwanda.

Sabar, the head of African Studies at Tel Aviv University's Middle Eastern and African History Department, traveled to Uganda and Rwanda two months ago to learn the fate of these asylum seekers. In Rwanda, the main country where Israel has sent them, Sabar didn't meet with a single asylum seeker.

That's because they didn't remain in Rwanda. They typically spent only a few days there before making their strange trip to neighboring Uganda.

"They land in Kigali and a representative whose name you constantly hear, John, arrives. He knows who's arriving and how many people, and he helps them go through immigration," says Sabar, who collected the testimony of 17 people.

In Kigali, the authorities take the laissez passer document that Israel gave them and they're put in a minivan, she says. They're told they're being taken to a hotel. The hotel is that villa in Kigali. At least they have the $3,500 they were given by Israel as a "leaving grant."

They're required to pay $10 to $150 for two nights. Once they enter the building, they can't leave without permission from John. The gate is closed and protected by a guard.

"They were told that it was forbidden to wander around Kigali, and Rwanda in general, without documents; they'd be arrested and put in jail," Sabar says.

In Uganda, she asked asylum seekers how they got out of Rwanda. After a day or two John would come and say "we're waiting for at least eight people." They then had to pay between $250 and $400 to be smuggled over the border to Uganda.

"That means the smuggling is a regular act by that man, who told me he received all his information from the Israel Police," Sabar says. "He knows exactly who's coming and how many. He has an entire network that helps get them out."

They are each allowed to take a small bag. "They reach a certain point in a Rwandan vehicle — of course at night. From there they go on foot, and I have entire descriptions: They've told me how they bend down and run" until they cross the border.

"Smugglers are waiting for them on the Ugandan side. They walk again for a bit and another vehicle picks them up on the other side. Everything is totally organized."

This testimony completely contradicts Israeli claims that the third-party countries the Eritreans and Sudanese are sent to are safe, don't deport asylum seekers, and let them file asylum requests and work for a living. Two months ago, based on these commitments, Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein approved the request of then-Interior Minister Gilad Erdan to send Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers to Rwanda and Uganda — even against their will.


Based on this policy, dozens of asylum seekers at the Holot detention center in the south were told they had to leave Israel within a month. If they refused, they would be jailed at the Saharonim Prison, also in the south, for an indeterminate period.

As far as is known, everyone who has received a deportation order is still being held at Holot — even though the final date for their departure has passed. Earlier this month the Be'er Sheva District Court rejected a petition by human rights groups against the deportation and detention of asylum seekers, saying the petition was premature because the state had not yet jailed asylum seekers who have received deportation notices.

Always the same story

Through last month, more than 1,500 Eritrean and Sudanese had left Israel for third countries as part of the program, says the Population and Immigration Authority. The government has not revealed which countries are involved, but they are widely believed to be Rwanda and Uganda.

Ugandan officials have denied the existence of any agreement with Israel to receive asylum seekers. But Rwandan President Paul Kagame has said Rwanda is in the final phases of crafting such an agreement.

Government sources have told Haaretz that such agreements are indeed in force, but Rwanda and Uganda don't want them made public, and Israel has agreed.

Over a year ago, Haaretz found that asylum seekers were sent to Rwanda and Uganda without any formal status or basic rights. A report released two months ago by two nonprofit groups — Hotline for Refugees and Migrants and the Assaf aid organization for refugees and asylum seekers — found serious faults with the process of "leaving of their own free will."

The report, entitled "Where there is No Free Will: Israel's 'Voluntary Return' Procedure for Asylum Seekers," was based on telephone interviews with dozens of asylum seekers who have left Israel. These people said Rwanda and Uganda did not provide protection, legal status or guarantees for the deportees' safety.

The testimonies Sabar collected support the findings of both Haaretz and the NGOs. She conducted all her interviews in the Ugandan capital Kampala; the interviews lasted up to three hours. She met with some interviewees more than once.

It was always the same story: Rwanda, John, the villa in Kigali, the smuggling route, and the claim they would be able to find asylum and work legally at a reasonable wage in Uganda. She heard the same story from people with no link to one another.

The Rwandans and Ugandans know that every Eritrean asylum seeker has $3,500 in his pocket, Sabar says. "All the people I interviewed said that at one stage or another a Ugandan official demanded payment from them. Sometimes is was $150 or $200," she says.

"Three told me about another young man; he got $1,000 taken from him. And if they don't pay then of course the Ugandan police say they'll arrest them and put them in prison," she says.

It sounded amazing to her; the same guy who picked them up at the airport was responsible for the network. So she decided to try to meet John.

"I got his phone number from six or seven asylum seekers," she says. "He gave them his phone number so they could call him if they had problems while they were still in the villa."

Her telephone conversation with John was conducted in English, lasted 20 minutes and included long silences. John was very nervous.

"Who sent you?" he asked. "No one, I'm from the university," answered Sabar.

John refused to meet her. "I don't want to talk .... I help them .... I can't talk because it's a complex system. I don't want problems," he said.

Sabar tried to understand exactly what his job was and who he worked for. "I don't know the entire process. I received a phone call from a policeman in Israel," he said, probably referring to an official from the Immigration Authority. "He asked me to help them. I only help. I don't want to talk about it."

Neighborhoods of mud

Sabar tried to get more information out of him to confirm the stories she heard. "You meet them at the airport?" she asked. "Yes, yes. I come and welcome them. I take the papers they bring and pass them on."

So Sabar asked to whom he gave the Israeli-issued documents. "I don't want to talk, I don't want to get into trouble .... Look, I'm scared all the time," he said. "That's what I do. I try to help, to be polite and help. Sometimes they're so frustrated they blame me."

Later he told Sabar the Rwandan authorities were sending him to greet the asylum seekers. The precise information on the arrivals he gets from Israel.

Sabar notes the asylum seekers' living conditions in Kampala. "I was in their homes. I know how much it costs to rent a room for a month, what the cost of living is, transportation — they have no chance to survive," she says, adding that the migrants were living in Kampala's "most miserable poor neighborhoods."

"A communal room without water, sewage, without anything, and these are neighborhoods made out of mud — it's $65 a month. A room one rung higher that's reasonable and clean is $300," she says.

"It's sort of a long train of rooms, and at the end there are [squatting] toilets and a shower and water that's communal for all the asylum seekers. I didn't see anyone with his own room. Men were living there in pairs."

Very few asylum seekers chose the two higher levels of housing. "Two were real entrepreneurs and took a sort of house in Kampala, which cost something like $600 [a month], but there are eight rooms there, so they've sublet to others who came after them," Sabar says.

"So they've opened a kind of hostel. The next level was the Asmara motel, a kind of hotel; there they pay per day. If you're there for a month, it reaches something like $350 to $400 per bed."

A very modest standard of living costs $450 a month, assuming the asylum seeker cooks his own very basic food, Sabar says. So the money from Israel can last up to six months.

"I stood in Kampala facing a man in his late 50s, an Eritrean who was in Israel for four years. He spoke amazing Hebrew. He lived most of those years in Eilat and worked for the Isrotel hotel chain," she says.

When she kept on asking question he said "wait a minute" and ran to his room. "He brought me an outstanding-employee certificate from 2011 and a most-liked-employee certificate from 2012, and an employee-of-the month certificate," Sabar says.

As she quotes the asylum seeker: 'Everyone knew I was a good person, honest and liked, and in one day everything was destroyed. I received a summons to Holot and they threw me away like a rag."

There was also a 21-year-old with incredible Hebrew who lived in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Two years ago he took a massage course.

Sabar quotes him: "I came [to Kampala] and said I'll survive, I'm young, I'm healthy, I have a profession, I have a certificate and everything. At every hotel I went to in Kampala I said I wanted to work in their spa or guesthouse. I showed them the certificate; they were very impressed it was from Israel. I took a test and passed. Then they said: Bring us your refugee documents" — which he didn't have.

Sabar asked him why he didn't file an asylum request. He said that at the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Kampala, he was asked where he came from — and he couldn't tell the truth. He was afraid that if they knew he came from Israel, they'd send him to Eritrea.

"You see the various stations in this horrible journey for survival," says Sabar. "And when you think about the road ahead of them — they talked all the time about Libya and crossing from Libya to the sea. What can these people expect?"

Sabar notes how she had already studied asylum seekers in Israel for six or seven years. "But the people I met in Uganda had this burned-out look; the only others I've seen with this look were in refugee camps. This is a feeling of no future and no hope."

Asylum seekers who left Israel for Rwanda describe a hopeless journey - Features


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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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[AfricaRealities.com] Burundi president seen as 'divine' hero in rural homeland

 

"We will vote for him until the return of Jesus Christ, that is, until the end of time," said Sylvie with a laugh, adding that for her, Nkurunziza "should be president for life."

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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
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The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
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The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

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